Part 2

The contrast between /Ciy/ and /Cy/ and between /Cuw/ and /Cw/ (where C is any consonant) obtains only in the position where the /y/ or /w/ precedes a vowel of the final syllable (e.g. paliya [paliyá] ‘k.o. vegetable’ vs. palya [pálya] ‘fail’). When the /y/ or /w/ precedes a vowel of the penultimate or earlier syllable, the contrast does not obtain. If one consonant precedes the /y/ or /w/ we write Cy and Cw; biyà ‘leftovers’ but hibyaan /hi-byà-an/ ‘be left behind’; guwà ‘go out’, higwaan ‘gone out from’. If two consonants precede the /y/ or /w/ we write Ciy and Cuw respectively: pinsiyunáda ‘one who receives a pension’, nagkuwarisma ‘have a sad expression’ (but Kwarisma ‘Lent’).

Similarly, the contrast between /Vyi/ and /Vy/ or /Vwu/ and /Vw/ (where V is any vowel) obtains only when the /y/ or /yi/, /w/ or /wu/ are final in the word: bay ‘term of address’ vs. bayi ‘female’; mabaw ‘shallow’ vs. hibawu (or hibáwu) ‘know’. In closed final syllables or penultimate or earlier syllables the contrast does not obtain. We write Vyi and Vwu in closed syllables and Viy and Vuw in open syllables: bayinti ‘twenty’ but ayta ‘give me’; dawunggan ‘ear’ but awtu ‘car’.

4.0 Listing of Entries

Cebuano is a language with a complex system of affixation and comparatively simple morphophonemic alternations. For this reason the listing of forms is strictly by root. [13] Forms of the sort where the root is not really evident are listed with a cross-reference to the root. The order is strictly alphabetical with no regard to diacritical markings (hyphens or accent marks) except that forms without diacritical markings precede forms with diacritical markings.

The order of presentation is always root alone or root plus verbal affixes (Section 6.1f.) followed by verbal derivations (Section 6.2), followed by nominal and adjectival derivations, listed in alphabetical order (Section 7.0). Most roots occur as several parts of speech, and the determination of whether a root is basically a noun, adjective, or verb depends upon a series of morphological and syntactic criteria the details of which cannot be presented here. [14] Roots which are basically adjectives are defined first as adjectives, then as nouns and verbs. Roots, basically nouns, are defined first as nouns, then as adjectives and verbs; and roots, basically verbs, are defined first as verbs and then as nouns and adjectives. For verbal forms a formula indicating the conjugation (set of inflectional affixes which may be added to them) is given. The formulas are explained in Sections 7.1ff. and 7.2ff. below.

The entries are liberally illustrated, with the primary aim of clarifying the meaning and with a secondary aim of exemplifying the morphological characteristics of the affixed forms.

5.0 Alternations

5.1 Morphophonemic alternations

Since the listing in this dictionary is strictly by root, an outline of the important morphophonemic alternations is given here. In the entries nonpredictable morphophonemic alternations are indicated by writing the affixed forms out.

5.11 Shift of stress

The general rule is that an affixed form has the stress on the same syllable as the root alone. Where this general rule is broken, there is said to be SHIFT OF STRESS. When an affixed form has final stress where the root had penultimate stress, there is said to be SHIFT TO THE FINAL SYLLABLE, indicated by the symbol (→):

káun /kā́ʔun/ ‘eat’ + nag-(→) = nagkaun /nagkaʔún/ ‘is eating’ tugnaw /túgnaw/ ‘cold’ + -un(→) = tugnawun /tugnawún/ ‘be cold’

When an affixed form has penultimate stress where the root had final stress, there is said to be SHIFT TO THE PENULTIMATE SYLLABLE, indicated by the symbol (←):

sakay /sakáy/ ‘ride’ + nag-(←) = nagsákay /nagsā́kay/ ‘ride together’

In many cases an unaffixed root has both final stress and penultimate stress (depending on the meaning). Whichever stress occurs with the prefix MU- (see the entry under MU-) is taken to be the stress of the root. Thus, the formation of the unaffixed root with a different stress pattern is said to be by the addition of an affix consisting of shift of stress alone:

inúm [15] /ʔinúm/ ‘drink’ + (←) = ínum /ʔī́num/ ‘drink heavily’ búnal /búnal/ ‘beat’ + (→) = bunal /bunál/ ‘club’

5.12 Dropping of vowels

When a suffix is added to a root with a stressed final syllable, the tendency is to drop the vowel of the final syllable of the root:

dakup /dakúp/ arrest + -an = dakpan /dákpan/ be arrested pisik /pisík/ splash + -an = piskan /pískan/ be splashed lakat /lakát/ go + -unun = laktunun /laktunún/ errand

This occasionally also happens to roots with stressed penults:

kalímut /kalímut/ forget + -i = kalimti /kalímti/ forget it

5.13 Adding of /h/ or /ʔ/ to roots ending in a vowel when a suffix is added

Some roots which end in a vowel add /ʔ/ before a suffix, some roots add /h/, other roots add either /ʔ/ or /h/ (depending on which suffix):

bása /bása/ read + -un = basáhun /basáhun/ be read adtu /ʔádtu/ go + -un = adtúun /ʔadtū́ʔun/ gone to get kabaláka /kabaláka/ worry + -an = kabalak-an /kabalákʔan/ s.t. to worry about (with the vowel of the final syllable of the root dropped—5.12). sulti /súlti/ talk + -un = sultíhun /sultī́hun/ talk it out sulti /súlti/ talk + -ánay = sultiánay /sultiʔā́nay/ conversation

5.14 Metathesis

In affixed forms, the sequences /ʔC/ and /hC/ (where C is any consonant) almost always become /Cʔ/ and /Ch/: [16]

káun /káʔun/ eat + -a = kan-a /kánʔa/ eat it (with the final syllable of the root dropped). luhud /luhúd/ kneel + -an = ludhan /lúdhan/ kneel on (with the vowel of the final syllable of the root dropped).

The sequences /ʔVh/ usually becomes /hVʔ/ (where V is a vowel):

túu /túʔu/ believe + -an = tuhúan /tuhū́ʔan/ believable (where /h/ is intercalated by the rule of 5.13).

Sequences of a liquid or /s/ plus a consonant tend to be metathesized when a suffix is added if the vowel of the final syllable of the root is dropped.

ngálan /ŋálan/ name + -an = nganlan /ŋánlan/ be named sulud /sulúd/ enter + -un = sudlun /súdlun/ enter it inum /ʔinúm/ drink + -a = imna /ʔímna/ drink it putus /putús/ wrap + -un = pustun /pústun/ wrap it lusut /lusút/ go through + -an = lutsan /lū́can/ go through it

These alternations also manifest themselves in competing root forms: alhu /ʔálhu/ and hal-u /halʔu/ ‘pestle’; kalamunggay and kamalunggay ‘k.o. tree’.

5.15 Change of /r/ or /l/ to /d, g, h/

Intervocalically, /d/ usually becomes /r/ or, less frequently, /l/:

búkid mountain + ka-an = kabukíran or, alternatively, kabukílan mountains

Vice versa, in roots with intervocalic /l/ or /r/, the /l/ or /r/ may change to /d/ when final or abutting on a consonant.

walà /waláʔ/ be lost + -un = wad-un /wadʔun/ lose s.t. (with loss of the final vowel of the root). hurut /hurút/ use up + -un = hutdun /hútdun/ use s.t. up (with metathesis).

When a /d/, /l/, or /r/ comes to abut on velar consonant it tends to change to /g/: [17]

pálung /páluŋ/ extinguish + -an = pagngan /págŋan/ extinguish it haluk /halúk/ kiss + -an = hagkan /hágkan/ kiss it

/r/ or, occasionally, /l/ at the end of a root may change to /h/ when suffixes are added. These are almost always words of Spanish provenience.

mantinil make do with + -an = mantinihan make do with it imbitar invite + -un = imbitahun invite him

5.2 Competing forms

Because of sound changes which took place over portions of the Cebuano-speaking areas but did not spread over the entire area and the subsequent spread of forms which reflect these changes, there are numerous competing forms which are of the same etymology and which usually (but not always) have the same meaning. [18]

Forms which are the same in meaning and which are related to each other in that one underwent the sound change and the other did not are defined only once and cross reference is made. Some sound changes are so common and regular that only the older form is listed, and it is to be taken for granted that the form which shows the sound change also normally occurs unless a statement to the contrary is made.

5.21 Dropping of /l/

5.211 Intervocalic /l/

Most (but not all) roots which contain an /l/ between /a/’s and /u/’s compete with roots which lack /l/. The forms without /l/ are used generally in the Northeastern portion of the Cebuano area: all areas east of Cebu (Bohol, Masbate, Leyte and islands in between) and on the northern half of Cebu. In the Southwestern areas (Negros, southern half of Cebu and most of Mindanao, the /l/ forms predominate.

Between like vowels /l/ is dropped and the vowel is usually lengthened: kalabaw or kábaw ‘water buffalo’; balay or báy ‘house’; tutulu or tutú ‘three’. In closed syllables or in the case of /l/ beginning the antepenult, no compensatory lengthening takes place: kalatkat or katkat ‘climb’; kalamunggay or kamunggay ‘k.o. tree’.

Between /a/ and /u/ or /u/ and /a/, /l/ becomes /w/: lalum or lawum ‘deep’; sulab or suwab ‘blade’. The sequence /alu/ in the antepenult and penult or earlier in the root becomes /u/ in Cebu and northern Leyte but /awu/ in Bohol and southern Leyte: dalunggan or dunggan or dawunggan ‘ear’.

This alternation is for the most part confined to the root. [19] Otherwise, it is so regular that only the forms containing /l/ are listed, and the presumption is made that the /l/ may be dropped unless a note is made to the contrary. [20]

5.212 Post-consonantal /l/

There is a tendency to drop post-consonantal /l/ usually (but not always) with compensatory lengthening of the vowel of the penult: kinahanglan or kinahángan ‘need’; aplud or apud ‘astringent in taste’; danglug or dángug or dangug ‘slippery’. The /l/-less forms are most common in the areas which drop intervocalic /l/. The dropping of post-consonantal /l/ is by no means as widespread as dropping of intervocalic /l/, and alternative forms are listed.

5.213 Final /l/

In Bohol and southern Leyte there is a tendency for /al/ at the end of a word to become /aw/ and /ul/ to become /u/: bagal or bagaw ‘shell’. In this case alternative forms are listed.

5.214 Change of /l/ to /y/

Historically, intervocalic /l/ in isolated dialects became /y/. Forms with /y/ for /l/ have spread throughout the Cebuano-speaking area, and some are in competition with /l/-retaining forms: tingáli or tingáyi ‘perhaps’; kalugpus or kayugpus (also kugpus—by the rule of 5.211) ‘fold the arms’. In this case, competing forms are listed with cross reference.

5.22 Assimilation and metathesis

There is a tendency for nasal consonants which abut on consonants to be assimilated: bungdul or bundul ‘poke’; hingbis or himbis ‘scales’; amgid or anggid (also ambid) ‘like’. This alternation is sporadic, and competing forms are listed.

There is some competition between forms with voiced and forms with voiceless consonants, where the competition derives from assimilation: tikbas or tigbas ‘strike with a blade’; bukdu or bugdu ‘bulging out’. Again the competing forms are listed.

There is also competition between forms which differ by virtue of metathesis: bungdul or dungbul (and dumbul) ‘poke’; itsa or ista ‘throw’; bàgu /baʔgu/ or bag-u /bagʔu/ ‘new’. (Cf. Section 5.14.) Competing forms that differ by virtue of metathesis are listed except for forms containing a sequence /Cʔ/ which invariably compete with forms containing /ʔC/.

5.23 Change of vowels

The vowel of the antepenult sporadically may change to /a/: kumusta or kamusta ‘how are, is’; batíis or bitíis ‘leg’. Occasionally /a/ or /u/ is assimilated to a following /y/ or an /i/ in the following syllable: biyà or bayà ‘leave’; musimus or misimus ‘lowly’. In these cases competing forms are listed.

5.24 Change of /y/ to /dy/

In Bohol and Southern Leyte /y/ becomes /j/ (written dy). Some forms with dy have spread throughout the Cebuano speech area or occur only in the Bohol-Southern Leyte speech. Such forms are listed with dy. [21] Other forms with dy are listed as with y, and the reader may conclude that these forms have /dy/ in Bohol and Southern Leyte.

5.25 Competing forms where no sound change is involved

Roots which are not relatable by the above rules are given separate definitions. The exception to this rule is equivalent names of flora and fauna and technical terms which refer to exactly the same cultural forms: e.g. gwayabanu, labanu, malabanu, síku karabaw are all the same plant (Anona muricata); humagbus and hinablus both refer to the same relationship.

6.1 Inflection

Verb forms are subject to the addition of a small list of affixes which we call INFLECTIONAL AFFIXES. The inflectional affixes specify three tenses: PAST, FUTURE, and SUBJUNCTIVE; four cases or voices: ACTIVE, DIRECT PASSIVE, LOCAL PASSIVE, and INSTRUMENTAL PASSIVE; and two modes: POTENTIAL and NONPOTENTIAL. The nonpotential forms are further broken down into two aspects: PUNCTUAL and DURATIVE. The punctual-durative distinction exists in all voices but is observed only in the active voice. [22] In the passive voices punctual forms are used for all meanings, except for literary or dialectal styles where the durative-nondurative distinction is maintained. The following chart shows these affixes. Their meanings are listed and exemplified in entries in the dictionary listed under mu-, mag-1, maka-1, -un1, ma-1, -an1, i-1. [23] In the following chart commas indicate forms which are in free variation (nearly synonymous and mutually substitutable). A preceding hyphen indicates a suffix, following hyphen a prefix, and hyphen in the middle, a circumfix. Dialectal affixes are not listed. The asterisks mark forms which are not normally used in colloquial speech.

Future Past Subjunctive Active

Punctual mu- mi-, ni-, ning-, mu- ming- Durative mag-, maga- nag-, naga-, ga- mag-, maga- Potential maka-, ka- naka-, ka- maka-, ka-

Direct Passive

Punctual -un gi- -a Durative paga-un* gina-* paga-a* Potential ma- na- ma-

Local Passive

Punctual -an gi-an -i Durative paga-an* gina-an* paga-i* Potential ma-an, ka-an na-an ma-i, ka-i

Instrumental Passive

Punctual i- gi- i- Durative iga-* gina-* iga-* Potential ma-, ika- na-, gika- ma-, ika-

6.2 Verbal derivation

The inflectional affixes are added not only to roots (forms containing no other affixes) but also to derived bases (forms containing further affixes). The productive affixes which are added to roots to form bases which in turn may have inflectional affixes added to them are -ay, -an, pa-, paN-, [24] ka-, hi-, ha-, hiN-, pakig-, paki-, panggi-, pani-, paniN-1. These affixes are given entries in the dictionary and exemplified there.

When the active inflectional affixes are added to verb bases which contain some of these derivative prefixes, they undergo morphophonemic alternations as shown in the following chart:

together with ni- (mi-, ning-) mu- becomes prefix becomes

paN- naN- maN- pakig- nakig- makig- paniN- naniN- maniN- pani- nani- mani- panggi- nanggi- manggi-

These affixes are given entries and defined there.

7.0 Classification of roots according to their system of affixation

With the rich system of derivational and inflectional affixations to which Cebuano roots are subject, there are literally hundreds of different affixed forms for any given root. Since it is manifestly impossible to list exhaustively all affixations for any given root, we follow the principle here that PRODUCTIVE FORMATIONS are generally not listed unless there is s.t. especial about their meanings or morphophonemics. By PRODUCTIVE FORMATIONS we mean affixes which are added to all, or almost all, members of a certain group of roots. For example, the affix ka-an2 is added to any root which refers to a plant to form a collective noun referring to a place where a group of that type of plant is found. The formation, ka-[plant]-an, is not listed except in cases where there is s.t. special about the affixation, as for example kalubinhan ‘coconut grove’ (from lubi) which undergoes special morphophonemics or kabaknitan ‘thicket’ (from baknit ‘k.o. vine’), where the meaning of the affixed form is not predictable from the meaning of the base and the affixes. The following productive affixes are listed only occasionally. For their meanings and a description of the type of roots to which they are added, see the entries: pa-1,2; paN-1a,c, panggi-, hi-/ha-; hiN-1; -ay/-anay; paka-2, doubling or Culu-; -in-1, -in2, ka-an2, -in-an1, -in-an2, ma-2.

The inflectional affixes which may be added to a given verb base in a given meaning are indicated by means of a formula which is explained in the following subsections. The derivational affixes paN-1a,c, pakig-, and ka- are also indicated with these formulas.

Our classification of verbs consists of two parts separated by a semicolon: the active and the passive. The active classes are indicated by capital letters A, B, C and numbers indicating subclasses; and the passive classes are indicated by minuscules a, b, and c followed by numbers indicating subclasses. E.g. palit ‘buy’, which is in class A; a, takes the active affixes listed for A (Section 7.11) and the passive affixes listed for a (Section 7.21). In the following subsections the verbs mentioned as examples of each conjugation class are listed with examples for all the relevant affixations.

7.1 Active verb classes

7.11 Class A conjugation, the action verbs

Verbs of class A refer to an action. If they are the predicate of the sentence, the subject is the agent of the action. If they are in attribute construction, the head is the agent of the action. They occur with mu-, meanings 1 and 2 [25] (and thus also with mi-, ni-, etc.), mag-, meanings 1 and 2 (and thus also with nag-, naga-, maga-, etc.), maka- in all meanings (and thus also with naka-, ka-, etc.). (See the entries under these affixes for further illustration and explanation.) The entry for palit ‘buy’ illustrates this class; the entry for bisiklíta ‘bicycle’ indicates this class with verbs derived from noun roots, and the entry for hapit,2 ‘drop in s.w.’ illustrates this class referring to verbs of motion.

7.111 Subclasses of the class A conjugation

The numbers which follow the letter A indicate nonoccurrence of affixes. The symbol A1 indicates verbs of the A conjugation which do not occur with the punctual-active set, mu- (mi-, etc.). An example of a verb of this type is ikspidisiyun ‘go on an expedition’. The symbol A2 indicates that the base does not occur with the durative-active set, mag- (nag-, etc.). A verb of this class is sángit ‘catch, snag s.t.’. The symbol A3 indicates that the base does not occur with the potential-active set, maka- (naka-, etc.), e.g. habhab,3 ‘eat away a portion of s.t.’. Two numbers following the letter A indicate the absence of two of the three active affixes. E.g. A12 indicates a base which occurs only with maka- (naka-, etc.) but not with mu- and mag-, e.g. salà.

The symbol A13 indicates lack of mu- and maka- but occurrence of mag-, e.g. dahum ‘expect’.

The symbol S following a number indicates that the base occurs with the prefix represented, but that there is shift (Section 5.11). E.g. dalágan ‘run’ is in class A2S: it occurs with all three sets, but the penult is short when the durative affixes, mag-, etc., are added. Dáwat ‘receive’ is in class A3S: it occurs with all three active sets, but the penult is short when the potential affixes, maka-, etc., are added.

The symbol P following the letter A indicates that the unaffixed root and the root plus pa- have exactly the same meaning and are used interchangeably with the active affixes: e.g. mala ‘dry’.

The symbol A3P indicates that the root occurs with both maka- (naka-) and, alternatively, with makapa- (nakapa-) with no difference in meaning. Further, the base occurs with nonpotential affixes, but with the nonpotential active affixes, pa- cannot be added to the base without changing the meaning. The symbol A123P means that the root occurs only with potential-active affixes (i.e., does not occur with mu- or mag-), but it does occur with maka- and also with makapa- having the same meaning as maka-, e.g. malarya ‘get malaria’.

The symbol N following A or A plus the numbers indicates that the prefix paN- can be added to the base together with the punctual-active affix, mu-, and with the potential-active affix maka- (naka-) but not with the durative affixes, and that the root alone is synonymous with the base plus paN-. That is to say, the form mu- (mi-)[root] and maN- (naN-)[root] [26] are synonymous, and maka- (naka-)[root] is synonymous with nakapaN-[root] and makapaN-[root]. An example of a root of the AN conjugation is sanghid ‘ask permission’.

7.12 Class B conjugation, the stative verbs

Verbs of class B refer to s.t. that happened to s.o. or s.t. If they are the predicate of the sentence, the subject is the thing to which the event happened. Verbs of class B occur with mu- (mi-, etc.), meaning 3, mag- (nag-, etc.), meaning 3, ma- (na-, etc.), meaning 3, maka- (naka-, etc.) or, alternatively, makapa- (nakapa-) with a meaning ‘cause s.t. to become [so-and-so]’, and with magka-2 (nagka-, etc.). The entry for pula ‘red’ illustrates this conjugation. The entry for duktur ‘doctor’ illustrates a verb of this class formed from a noun root.

7.121 Subclasses of verbs of the B conjugation

Verbs of class B1 lack mu-, e.g. págud ‘get burnt’. Verbs of class B2 lack mag-, e.g. palanas ‘be eroded’. Verbs of B3 occur with maka- but have a meaning ‘become [so-and-so]’, e.g. laun ‘age’. Verbs of class B3(1) occur with maka- in two meanings: (1) become [so-and-so], and (2) cause to become [so-and-so]. In the latter meaning it also occurs with makapa- (nakapa-), e.g. lup-ut2 ‘thicken’. Verbs of class B4 lack na- (ma-). E.g. laúsag ‘got worse and worse’. Verbs of class B5 lack maka- (naka-) and verbs of class B6 lack magka-2, e.g. paliyar ‘for an engine to malfunction’. Many verbs in the class B conjugation have one or more of these conjugational features. E.g. duktur as a verb ‘become a doctor’ is in class B16,—i.e. it lacks mu- and lacks magka-.

The symbols S and N are used just as with the verbs of the A conjugation. The symbolization B2S indicates that the penult is short with the durative affixes (mag-, etc.), e.g. lúya ‘get weak’. A symbol BN indicates that paN- may be added to the base with the volitional affix (mu-) and that the root plus mu- (mi-, etc.) does not differ in meaning from the root plus maN- (naN-).1 An example of a verb of conjugation BN is pula.

7.13 Class C conjugation, the mutual action verbs