CHAPTER II.

THE CORONATION.

The celebrated "improvisatrice" had been some time before this solemnly admitted a member of their Academy by the Arcadians of Rome. She entered Arcady as the "pastorella, Corilla Olympica;" and was thenceforth better known by that name than her real one. The Arcadians were exceedingly proud of their shepherdess; and to make the most of her, and at the same time get an occasion of parading all their pastoral absurdities, and obtaining each shepherd his share of glorification, it was suggested to have a coronation on the old Capitoline–hill, and try to make believe for a while, that the laurel bestowed in that time–hallowed spot, had still a value, and represented something in the eyes of Europe.

There were, however, difficulties in the way, of a nature which are not apparent in the official records of the ceremony. These are all to be found in a very handsomely got up volume, printed by Bodoni the celebrated typographer, at the royal Parma press, in the year 1779. The publication comprises also the numerous poetical compositions produced in honour of the occasion, together with "A list of the gentlemen poets"—"Indice de' Signori Poeti," who took part in the proceeding. There are no less than sixty–six possessors of the "Os magna sonaturum!" designed to unapprehensive posterity by such names and titles as "Antilio Pireatide, a member of the Inextricables of Parma, called Birdilio among the Academicians of Concord," and, among vulgar men, professor of rhetoric in the College at Parma;—"Aglauro of the Reggio Hypochondriacs" (this unfortunate person was a lady known outside Arcady as the Countess Paradisi);—"Fidauro Tessalide, a Dominican monk, called Lucio Lentulo among the Strong Academicians of Rome;"—"L' Intronato, member of the Transformed Ones of Milan;"—" Nivildo Amaranzio, a priest, called in the outer world, Giovacchino Pizzi, member of the Academy of Inscriptions at Paris, a Della Cruscan at Florence, and Custos–General of Arcadia!"—"Parmenio Dirceo of Parma, called Philander of Crete among the shepherds of Emonia;"—"Telejo Focidense, an Academician of Florence, Apathist, Vice–Custos of the Alphean Colony of Arcadians," and among un–Arcadian men professor of feudal law in the University of Pisa;—"Dr. Agnelli, secretary of the Intrepid Ones, and Pro–vice–Custos of the Ariostean Colony of Arcadians;"—and, finally, "Maria Forster, Poetess of the late Princess of Tuscany, Violante."

[Sidenote: THE LITTLE DIFFICULTY.]

These and a crowd of other strangely nick–named gentlemen and ladies contribute to fill the superbly printed pages of a book, which, it may be safely asserted, no human eye has ever perused in its entirety since it was printed. The Custos–General of Arcadia himself would probably have been unequal to the task. But the more strictly official documents of the ceremony contained in the volume have, with toil and much suffering from nausea, been read by the present writer. And it is certain that no remotest hint of the difficulties that lay in the way of this desirable recognition of merit, as mentioned above, is to be discovered. The "Conservatori" of Rome, we are told, having "specially observed the transports of affection demonstrated by La Corilla for this favoured city, the seat of Religion and Virtue, and hearing the praises into which she continually broke forth in her extemporaneous songs, of the pacific and well–regulated government, of the greatness of mind, the invincible justice, and rare piety of the sovereign recently seated on the throne of St. Peter, on occasion of whose happy exaltation she had frequently improvised, and finally seeing her so much honoured, praised, visited, and distinguished by many noble and conspicuous personages,"—the Conservatori of Rome, duly rating all these meritorious circumstances, having first presented her with a diploma of Roman nobility, thought fit to make application to the papal government for permission to crown her on the Capitol. A most gracious and benign answer was returned, forwarded to the Custos–General of all Arcadia; and the whole matter is made to assume the aspect of a spontaneous homage—if not exactly to merit—at least to those unpremeditated lays in favour of papal government, and virtue. Pius the Sixth is touched by the enthusiastic and ingenuous tribute of the inspired singer, and at once falls in with the wishes of his subjects, Arcadian and other, to award the laurel to so deserving a shepherdess.

Where is there any difficulty in the matter? Is it to be found in the shrinking modesty of the poetess? Has any envious brother shepherd;—(for Arcadia itself was not free from such passions);—raised an opposing voice to the general wishes?

Not this. But that "amari aliquid," the bill. Benignant Pius and his pacific government,—break forth into whatever unpremeditated praises of him you may,—will not lend his Capitoline Hill for you to be crowned on under forty thousand dollars! A consideration well calculated to make an aspiring poet pause, and admirably adapted to keep the company of laurel–crowned heads select! Where was Arcadia to get forty thousand dollars? Forty thousand sonnets the shepherds and shepherdesses of its tuneful vales would have gladly advanced at a short notice. But dollars were another matter. And without the cash down, no crowning! The encouragement of literature, Rome honouring herself before the world, asserting ancient supremacy in letters and civilisation, was all very fine; and the papal government was delighted to encourage merit ... at forty thousand dollars a head; would doubtless even have had the liberality to crown a dozen for the four hundred thousand dollars; but upon one single crowning no reduction could be made.

But the Arcadian shepherds, and the gentle "pastorella" more specially interested had a friend;—one whose flocks were fed not in Arcady, but on wide–spreading Tuscan pastures;—a man of money, who was willing to invest the serious sum required in pageantry for the eternal glorification of Arcadia,—and himself. This public–spirited individual was the Senator Lorenzo Ginori, who paid the cash, and was, therefore—to leave Arcady and speak plain truth for awhile;—the real author and getter up of the entire affair. And the whole carefully maintained appearance of spontaneity, the high–flown talk of the papal admiration for the matchless poetess, and honourable encouragement of letters, the floods of mutual complimentation between all parties engaged in the grave farce, were all as utterly false and fictitious as the "literature" to be encouraged, the sentiments expressed, the designations of the mummers who uttered them, and everything else in this idyllic Arcady. And everybody knew perfectly well, that everybody else knew that the whole thing was a sham and a humbug. Yet they mouthed out their speeches and their odes and sonnets, and said all that could have been said if the thing had been genuine, with grave decorum, without laughing in each other's faces; and found the doing so an exceedingly agreeable pastime.

[Sidenote: QUINTESSENTIAL HUMBUG.]

Not a hint of the real nature of the business is to be found in the records of it, above mentioned. What does Arcady know of dollars? Of "Phœbus the blond ruler of Parnassus," of Arcadian shepherds in conclave, and of the lofty meed of glorious song, we read much. But of the Senator Lorenzo Ginori and his forty thousand good dollars, not a word; which seems rather hard on so munificent a patron of Arcadia.

The narrative of the proceedings on the occasion, ridiculous enough even if they had been genuine, becomes infinitely more absurd when read by the light of the real facts of the case. It was pretended that the Academy of Arcadians were to adjudge and decree the crown. And they were to make believe to subject the aspirant to a tremendously severe ordeal; on which it was supposed their judgment was to be based. In solemn Arcadian conclave accordingly it was arranged that the poetess should be called on to extemporise on twelve "subjects of science and art." And twelve experienced shepherds are gravely appointed by the conclave to propose themes on the following subjects:—

1. Sacred history. 7. Legislation. 2. Revealed religion. 8. Eloquence. 3. Moral philosophy. 9. Mythology. 4. Physical science. 10. Harmony. 5. Metaphysics. 11. The fine arts. 6. Heroic poetry. 12. Pastoral poetry.

When poor Corilla should have produced a sufficient extempore poem on each of these subjects, she was to be declared worthy of the laurel–crown! Sacred history was assigned to Bishop Giovardi, who was "Dean of Arcadia." And the Archbishop of Apamea undertook revealed religion. Physical science was entrusted to the Pope's physician; the other subjects confided to equally able shepherds.

Three days were appointed for the solemn trial; four poems per day being deemed as much as the poet or the audience could endure. And on each of these, four of the appointed twelve examiners were to hand in a theme in a paper carefully sealed, to show that it could not have been communicated previously to the candidate. And of course everybody pretended to consider this as proof perfectly conclusive on that point.

The first examination was to take place at the house of Prince Gonzago di Castiglione; and all "the cream" of the Roman world was there.

"The improvisatrice," says the record, "entered the saloon with some appearance of apprehension, seeing herself exposed to so arduous an ordeal, and to the judgment of the public. The signal was given to the violins to begin their harmonious sounds for the purpose of stirring up the poetess—_per iscuotere la poetessa_—and while everybody was expecting some well–considered exordium, she looked around as if lost and stupefied; and seeing at that moment one of her Arcadian friends enter, she burst into song imploring of him prompt and well–timed aid. Then as if repenting of the weakness, and disdaining all human assistance, she invoked the mighty name of God; which produced a tender commotion in the audience. Then blazing up into a wonderful estro of song, the poetess, continually changing her metre and rhythm, ran over all the varied scientific topics proposed to her with an inexhaustible vein of poesy."

[Sidenote: THE FIRST DAY.]

The tournament began with pastoral poetry. And the examiner appointed for this subject handed in a sealed paper, which when opened in the presence of the expectant company, was found to contain this novel and difficult theme: "The advantages of a city life compared with those of the country."

This topic having been most triumphantly disposed of, the examiner in physical science stepped forward and requested—by intervention of a similarly sealed paper—that the "pastorella" would favour the company with a poem "on the properties of light, explaining at the same time how the images of objects are painted in the eye."

The shepherdess made no more difficulty about this than she had about the more manageable theme which had preceded it.

Then came the eloquence examiner, who "invited her to explain the nature and degree of the fatal blow which eloquence received at the violent death of Marcus Tullius Cicero." This, too, was successfully despatched. And the harmony delegate next proposed a poem on the properties of harmony, subjoining—with a malicious significance, one might think, if it were possible for Arcadian souls to be guilty of espièglerie—"an explanation why harmonious sounds, which delight us for a while, bore us when too long continued."

This was explained to the perfect satisfaction of the company. And then, the programme of that evening's business having been thus completed, "after a short pause for a magnificent collation, Corilla, without manifesting the slightest sign of exhaustion," and utterly insensible to the great truth she had been illustrating in her fourth poem, "demanded more themes!"

Whereupon an Abate among the company proposed, "Without religion there is no true virtue." And this thesis was handled in such style that "the audience were carried away with inexplicable (!) admiration and delight at hearing with what grace, learning, eloquence and fire the above theme was treated, in the poetical exposition of which the great improvisatrice demonstrated how truly prodigious enthusiasm is the animating spirit of poets."

On the second evening "all the magistracy of Arcadia" was present, besides "many other illustrious Arcadians, most ornate prelates, foreigners, distinguished by birth or learning" (the Duke of Gloucester was one of the former sort), "renowned monks, and twelve virtuous Roman ladies." On this occasion the four themes seem to have been given to the fair candidate all together.

That on revealed religion was, "Of what nature and how revealed was the first revealed religion?"

On sacred history: "The miraculous passage of the Red Sea."

On mythology: "Why does mythology represent Love to be blind, while at the same time it gives him a bow and arrows to shoot a certain mark?"

[Sidenote: SECOND AND THIRD DAYS.]

On legislation: "An European endeavouring to instruct a savage in the advantages of legislation."

On these subjects "the learned poetess fully satisfied with her sublime song the utmost expectation of the public. She sang in various choice Tuscan metres upon each of the enumerated topics, mixing them up occasionally one with another;" which, considering the nature of them, must have produced at all events some originality of treatment, it may be supposed.

On this occasion, also, the inexhaustible shepherdess, having made an end of this supply, demanded more. Whereupon one of the twelve virtuous ladies suggested, "The death of Pyramus and Thisbe;" and another, "the elegant problem, Whether constancy was most found in men or in women?"

"The new and spontaneous graces which Corilla manifested in singing on these themes were truly prodigious; and by her treatment of the first, several of the audience"—some of the renowned monks, perhaps—"were visibly moved to tears."

On the third and last evening the audience was so great, that not only the saloon prepared for the purpose, but the adjoining rooms were "filled with literature and the nobility." And the following were the subjects given.

On the fine arts: "Which among them is the most useful and delightful?" "And a charming thing it was to hear how the able improvisatrice extolled them all, but awarded the highest place to painting."

In epic poetry: "A specimen of the sublime style proper to epic poetry in the delineation of the character of some luminous hero?" The execution of this task was received with an outburst of applause when it appeared that the most "luminous hero" the judicious poetess could think of was His Holiness Pope Pius the Sixth!

In metaphysics she was required to set forth the physical and moral proofs of the immortality of the soul.

The remaining twelfth examination, in moral philosophy, seems by some error or accident to have been omitted. But the indefatigable _pastorella_, "in nowise tired or exhausted," demanded, as on the other occasions, fresh subjects. So the Countess Isabella Soderini proposed to her, "The lament of a _pastorella_ abandoned by her _pastor_." And when this had been duly sung, it was proposed to her by a bishop to conclude her performances with "An invocation to the gods, entreating them to be propitious on the day of her coronation, and to come down all of them on the Tarpeian rock to render the solemnity more enviable and immortal." We are assured that "no language can express the grace with which the poetess gave a most unexpected turn to this argument," by declaring that she needed no other gods and goddesses at her coronation than those now around her. And the wonderful effect produced by this "is testified by those who had the good fortune to be present at this last most marvellous extempore poem."

When it was done, the three hundred persons forming the audience "partook of abundant refreshments. _So that_ nothing was wanting to render these literary sessions, noble, brilliant, magnificent, and delicious."

A most satisfactory testimonial was of course drawn up in due form, and signed by the examiners. It is dated, "From the shepherd's hut (la capanna) of the magnanimous and erudite Arcadian shepherd, Emireno Alantino;" and was formally presented to the Academy and government as the motive and authorisation for the coronation ceremony. This was fixed for the 31st of August. And we have next a minutely detailed description of all the upholstery magnificences, and the preparations for seats of various dignity; one eminently glorious reserved for the Duke of Gloucester, "who deigned to come in from Marino" to be present at the ceremony; and the musicians, and the "Magistracy of Arcadia," and that of Rome, &c. &c.

[Sidenote: THE CORONATION.]

The nature of the ceremony itself may be easily imagined. The laurel crown was placed on her head by the Conservatori of the city, as she kneeled before them, with these words. "_Eximium hoc laudis poeticæ decus, quod tuo capiti impono sub felicissimis auspiciis sanctissimi Domini nostri Papæ Pii Sexti, Mulier egregia et nobilis nostra Civis, sit publici non minus erga te studii argumentum, quam obsequentissimi animi significatio erga amplissimam illam, et plane regiam benevolentiam, qua decoraris._" To which she, still kneeling, responded, "_Poetica laurus immeritæ imposita fronti, excelsam sanctissimi Patris ac Principis Papæ Pii Sexti munificentiam, effusamque Senatus Populique Romani erga me voluntatem testatur, quarum utraque aut honore dignos invenit, aut facit_."

Then of course there was cannon firing and trumpet sounding ad libitum; and recitations not equally ad libitum. For all Arcadia, as the record says, would willingly have availed themselves of the opportunity of indulging in the delight of reciting their compositions to an audience who could not escape from them. It was therefore absolutely necessary to stem in some degree the threatening flood of song; and it was determined that, besides the performances of the _pastorella_ herself, there should be permitted only one prose recitation, six sonnets, and one ode. The latter was taken as the lion's share by the "Custos of all Arcadia;" and the others distributed by lot among the Arcadians.

The prose man abused his opportunity shamefully, speaking sixteen octavo pages, in which he resumed all the topics treated by Corilla in her twelve examinations, and set forth how entirely she had satisfied her Arcadian judges, "all of them," as he said, "swans of an immortal wing"—"Cigni tutti d'eterne penne!" The sonnetteers were happily restrained by the immutable rules of their craft. But the great Custos indulged in some couple of hundred lines of "terza rima."

When all this had been got through, the _pastorella_ herself was called on to "sing the praises of mighty Rome, and the honour of the laurel crown." And when she had done this, it was proposed to her to set forth "the falsity and injustice of the opinion of those, who maintain that the Christian religion is, by reason of its being founded in humility, not fitted to encourage talent or foster art." Finally, she was required to point out "the superiority of modern philosophy to the ancient."

"With this last extemporaneous poem, the poetess determined to put the seal to her glory, by running over with wonderful rapidity all the philosophical systems of ancient and modern times (!), and finally awarding the pre–eminence to the present age. In the whole course of this last song, the sensibility and gratitude of the poetess for the honour she had received carried her away; and in it the praises of Rome, for the protection it accords to talent and the fine arts, held the foremost place."

[Sidenote: THE LAST LAUREL.]

Then came universal congratulations from "the princes and princesses, cavaliers, and noble foreigners, especially the magnanimous Duke of Gloucester."

And so terminated the last adjudication of the laurel crown on the hill of the Capitol; a symbol which, once invested with true and high significance, had dwindled in perfect sympathy with all around it, till, like so many another superannuated embodiment of human thought, it had become a mere trading imposture, symbolising nothing but the utter hollowness and intense falsity of the social system, of which it was an unhealthy excrescence.

But it must not be imagined, that even in Rome in 1776, the decorous farce with which princes, and eminences, and Arcadian bishops, and "renowned monks," amused themselves, was universally accepted at more than its real worth in less polite circles outside the official and Arcadian world. Old Pasquin asserted his immemorial privileges on the occasion. An immense number of satires and libels were current in Rome, in which our poor Corilla was treated in a way that she at least seems in no degree to have deserved, for all that we hear of her private life, represents her to have been a good and estimable woman. Among other lampoons, the following is to be found recorded by Signor Vannucci in an article on Corilla in the "Raccolta Biographica" of Tipaldo. It marks the popular estimate of the value of Senator Ginori's forty–thousand scudi bargain:—

"Ordina e vuole Monsignor Missei Che se passa Corilla coll'alloro, Non le si tirin bucce o pomidoro, Sotto la pena di baiocchi sei."

Monsignor Missei was governor of Rome. And the ordinance attributed to him by Pasquin, may be read somewhat thus:—

"By Monsignor Missei's decree, whoever Shall pelt Corilla in her laurel crown With love–apples or parings whatsoever, Must pay the penalty of threepence down."

The innocent _pastorella_, however, soon withdrew herself from the Arcadian honours and popular gibes of the Eternal City; and carried her crown and her reputation home to her native Tuscany. The former she devoutly dedicated to the Virgin, over one of whose altars, in the city of Pistoja, it may yet be seen. The latter, as has been said, had not been barren; but had procured for her the means of making a comfortable home for herself and her husband in the Via della Forca in fair Florence. She had one child, who died in its infancy. As for her husband, it may be remarked, that on the great day of the coronation, among all the detail of seats set apart for this and the other functionary and notability, we do not meet with any mention of the smallest stool appropriated to the Arcadian king–consort. He rises to the surface no more, except to have his death chronicled in 1790. His wife survived him only two years. But she had lived long enough to see Arcadia desolate, and the literary fashions and traditions of her palmy day, scattered before the morning wind of another epoch.

APPENDIX

TO

THE LIFE OF BIANCA CAPPELLO.

ARTICLE I.

The Abate Baldassare Zamboni collected, chiefly from the muniment–room of the Cappello family at Venice, upwards of 200 letters of Bianca, for the illustration of a life of her, which remains unfinished in MS. Of these Signor Federico Odorici has selected twenty–three, which he has printed in a pamphlet entitled, "New Researches Concerning Bianca Cappello," Milan, 1858. The chivalrous object of Signor Odorici's labour is to "rehabilitate" poor Bianca, according to the fashion so much in vogue in these latter days. I had no opportunity of seeing his pamphlet till my life of Bianca was finished. But I cannot say that it has led me to alter my estimate or conception of her character. I am indebted to him, however, for the power of giving my reader the following letters selected from his selection as the most interesting among them.

I.—_To the very magnificent Signor, Signor Andrea Cappello, my most respected Cousin, and as it were my Brother, at Venice._

1572, February 21 (Venetian style).

I received and read your most welcome letter with the greatest pleasure. I am well pleased with your prudent discourse, and if I can judge therefrom how much you desire my return, think how greatly I must wish to bring it to pass; and indeed I was resolved upon it after the event[232] which has taken place, but fortune, not content with persecuting me with unnumbered grievances, made my father–in–law resolve on assuming the guardianship of my daughter, and depriving me of it; and this he has been able to do, for so the laws and statutes of this city direct; that if the father of one defunct be yet living, to him rather than to any other be conceded the care of his grandchildren. Now think what must be my state of mind, and how greatly displeased must be the most noble Signor my father and the most magnificent Signor my brother, to whom for their better information I have sent copies of the contracts of such guardianship and of the laws, that they might see how matters stand with me to my great sorrow, and that they might not again fall out with me, who have no fault in the matter: and if it were not for the hope that I have in the most worthy and illustrious Lady Isabella, daughter of our Duke and my most kind patroness, I should fear to get into some great trouble; yet I will not despair, and will trust in our Lord God and in your illustrious excellency for the finding of some remedy, because the world for the most part is all out of order; and I thought I would inform you of these particulars, because I know you have a hearty liking for me; and I entreat you to keep me informed here of whatever may be needful, and to defend me, if required, and to keep this our correspondence secret as usual; and may it please you to commend me to the Signor Doctor Gardelino, to whom for the present I do not write, and who I know was informed of everything by my very illustrious family, although when he was here he saw all that happened, and was informed respecting all that was thought likely to follow in the matter, nor will I at present say more, &c.

From Florence, the 21st day of February, 1572.

Your Magnificence's cousin, and as it were sister,

BIANCHA CAPPELLO.

II.—_To the same._

1573, January 9 (Ven. style).

... I must tell you, my Lord, that I was utterly astounded at the answer given you by my most illustrious (_father_), for certainly such words as those spoken by him do not agree with the letters which he writes me. True it is that one cannot know the truth that is in men; yet I put my trust in God, who will do with me as shall be best. As to what my most illustrious father told you of me, that I wrote to him telling him that I was mistress of thirty thousand crowns in real and chattel property, it is true; but of this you must understand that I have to leave some portion to my daughter as duty requires, and that she may be honourably married as befits my daughter; and to quit this subject that I may not trouble your Lordship further, I will conclude, &c., &c.

From Florence, the 9th day of January, 1573.

BIANCHA CAPPELLO.

III.—_To the same._

1573, January 16.

... Your Lordship writes me that it has been said to the most illustrious Bon[233] that I possess twenty thousand crowns in money; but in this I think there has been some mistake, for I never wrote that I had such a sum in money; it is very true that I wrote to my most magnificent brother that in real and chattel property and jewels I have more than thirty thousand crowns; and if I should go away in favour with my most illustrious lady dognisabella (_Donna Isabella Medici_) I should hope to take with me the greater part of the said property and possessions; and you must consider that I ought to leave a part of this to my daughter, therefore I think they have exaggerated in their offers to the most illustrious Bon, for it had been better to offer less and afterwards increase, than to offer more and perchance not come up to the sum, &c....

... I have received a letter, my Lord and Brother, from the very magnificent Francesco Moro, who writes me ... all the conversation which you have had with my most illustrious father, but it differs greatly from what your Lordship wrote me; because the aforesaid Signor Francesco says that my illustrious father told your Lordship that he would prefer me to marry here; so that these words seem to me quite different from what you wrote me, &c., &c. And I should wish, my dearest Lord and Brother, that this business be kept as secret as possible, for if it were known to the most worthy and illustrious Lady Isabella it would be very hurtful to me, and would overthrow all our plans, &c.

Florence, the 16th day of January, 1573.

Your Lordship's, &c.

BIANCHA CAPPELLO.

I pray your Lordship to remember my birth (_certificate_) of which I wrote to you, and send it me, whereby you will do me a great favour.

IV.—_To the same._

1573, March 20.

I understand by your letter how that your Lordship has spoken with my most illustrious father respecting the answer of that gentleman from the most noble Bon, and I comprehend what that gentleman says; nevertheless, I answer you that I trust in God's goodness to help me by His infinite mercy, and that I put little faith in strangers, and shall keep to the wishes of my most illustrious father, of my Lord and Brother, and of your Magnificence; to whom I entrust all that I possess, awaiting from you whatsoever decision may seem to you most fitting for the satisfaction of both parties, &c., &c.

Your Magnificence's, &c.

BIANCHA CAPPELLO.

P. S. Most Magnificent Lord and Brother, I beg of you to do me the favour to send me my Nativity, that is, the day and hour of my birth, and let no one beside yourselves know of this thing, &c. And you will also do me a favour if you will tell me who are they who seem to be my friends and afterwards act in contrary fashion as you write me, that I may know against whom I should be on my guard.

V.—_To the same._

1573, March 28.

... therefore I entreat you with my whole heart, my Lord and Brother, to persist in this good will towards me, and to help me, for without you I think not that things will ever come to an end, and would to God, according to what you tell me, that my most illustrious father had discussed this matter with you; for then it would have had a different ending; and since by your so loving letters to me, you have given me courage to open my heart to you respecting the discourse that your Magnificence held with Gardellino, you did very wisely in telling him that my most illustrious father ought to seek out some fit person for me to marry; and that certainly in that way everything would be brought to an end, &c. And if this does not befall me, that is, if they do not think about finding me a husband, so that the said husband may come here for me with the most Magnificent Lord my brother, or with your Lordship, &c.... I do not think that in any other manner I can escape from hence, &c. It would be a serious matter, my lord, and very ill–judged in me, to leave a place where I am as much, respected and loved as if I were a queen, &c....

Florence, the 28th day of March, 1573.

Your Magnificence's, &c.

BIANCHA CAPPELLO.

P. S. And all that I have said to you about my marrying I say for the safety of my life, for you must know that here there is no lack of most honourable matches and gentlemen of note who would be glad to have me and who are urging me to it all day long. Florentines as well as foreigners; and if I would have consented my most illustrious lady aforesaid would have given me awhile ago to one of her household, a Roman gentleman with an income of four thousand crowns, a gentleman of consequence, and distantly related to the aforesaid lady, and he never stops from following my lady all day long that he may get me, and this I only say to your Lordship that you may be well–advised of every thing, and that I do not desire to go to Venice because I lack chances of marriage here, but I only desire it in order to see my home, and for the honour of our house, and that only, for here I am courted and wished for, and there I should have to court and wish for others.

VI.—_To the same._

1573, April 22.

... I was much grieved at heart by the discourse between my most noble father and your magnificent Lordship, from which I conclude that he is not at all well–disposed towards me, and that his only wish to have me back at Venice is that he might bury me in a convent, which I will by no means do, for I know for a surety that so I should be lost, soul and body, and I do not choose, as I have often told your lordship, to change from a mistress to a slave; but accepting that match of which I spoke to your lordship, I will leave everything to return to my country and my kin.

Florence, the 22 April, 1573.

Your Lordship's, &c.

BIANCHA CAPPELLO.

VII.—_To the same._

May 1.

... If they (_her father and brother_) do not make up their minds to settle me otherwise than they have yet done, I shall stay where I am, and shall hold to your magnificent Lordship's counsel, which I see comes from the heart; I only wish, my Lord and Brother, that you should see that I have not failed and fail not to do all that is possible to come home and stay with my family; but if they will not have it I can do no more. I beseech you ... to undertake my defence, &c. ... that they may not think it is my fault that I do not come, &c.

Florence, May 1st, 1573.

Your Lordship's

BIANCHA CAPPELLO.

VIII.—_To the same._

August 1.

... Of your goodness you have informed me (_referring to some noble Venetians who on their return from Florence had spoken ill of her_) of the things which may be to my prejudice, &c. ... and if they be mere scatterbrained folks you should put small faith in them, for they can speak as they will about me, but that this talk or gossip of theirs has any truth in it neither your Lordship nor others should believe, &c.... And I must tell your Lordship that I have a matter of great importance[234] to speak to you about, but I cannot put it into black and white because there are some things which ought not to be put on paper; but if you, my Lord and Brother, would of your courtesy honour me by coming to see me, which I know is allowable to you as a man.... I pray you to grant me this favour, which if I have I shall die content, &c.

IX.—_To the same._

August 15.

Another letter in the same strain in which she laments that he cannot come to Florence, because she has something to tell him, "_di troppa grande materia da mettere in carta_."

X.—_To the same._

1573, Oct. 3.

I have received yours of the 26th of last month, &c. ... with infinite joy and contentment, inasmuch as I understand from it the kind feelings of my most illustrious father towards me.... As to the finding a husband for me here, I thank your magnificent lordship for undertaking so much trouble for me, &c. ... for perhaps I may be able to put an end to my so great and grievous troubles, so that, my Lord and Brother, I beseech you to act in this matter so that I may obtain my desire; and your magnificence already knows by other letters of mine precisely what is my desire on the subject, that no one may come in the way of our just designs, &c.... Give me in return good news of him (her brother Vittore), as likewise of my most noble father, that so I may put good faith in them, and think myself in favour with them, hoping that afterwards they may help me to return to my country and kindred.

Florence, the 3rd day of October, 1573.

Your Lordship's, &c.

BIANCHA CAPPELLO.

XI.—_To the same._

October 17.

... I know not, dearest Lord and Brother, in what terms to thank you for the great trouble that your Lordship has taken for me, and for the great love that I see you bear me. True it is that to one who loves as you love me, no trouble seems heavy; and I assure you, that if any one should be loved for loving, you have good reason to love me for that I adore you: (_and farther on she says_) as to what you tell me that I ought to obtain from the aforesaid lady, (_Isabella Medici_) that she should write a letter to my most noble father, I tell you, my Lord and Brother, that this is not prudent, for I must make it appear to the said lady as if your noble Lordship wished to remove me from hence, and not as if I desired it myself &c.; but still if the time should come as I wrote to my brother, she (the Medici), like a wise lady, will be silent, not choosing to seem to rob me of my good fortune, although she be grieved to the heart at the thought of letting me go, &c.

Florence, the 17th October, 1573.

Your Lordship's, &c.

BIANCHA CAPPELLO.

XII.—_To the same._

October 31.

... I am grieved to the heart to hear of the illness of the magnificent lady Loredana, your wife and my mistress, for I do certainly love her as I love my life, belonging as she does to you my Lord and Brother, whom I adore as I have good cause to do: (_and further on_) I see by what you, my Lord and Brother, have written to me, that you cannot induce my most magnificent brother to take any firm resolve, but God grant that every one may agree in the will of your magnificent Lordship, for I know it will be to the honour of all our house and my contentment. I, dearest Brother, am heartily grieved that you cannot come to see me, and I swear to you, by the life of my daughter, that this would be the greatest joy I could have in the world more than if my most noble father and magnificent brother were to come, &c. &c., and I could then tell you many things that by letter cannot be said, because I too fear lest if by ill fortune some one of these our letters were to miscarry, and fall into the hands of the most illustrious lady donisabella (_sic_), I should be ruined if she saw that it is I who seek to get away from hence, &c.

Florence, the last of October, 1573.

Your magnificent Lordship's cousin, sister, and servant,

BIANCHA CAPPELLO.

XIII.—_To the same._

1573, Nov. 24.

... and this I will do (_i. e._, _Keep an eye upon the letters that arrive_) with great care, in order that nothing may prevent my returning to my country and my home, according to the intention I have always had, and which I intend to fulfil; and God grant, that by his will, this may soon come to pass, and I did not write to you sooner, because, as I had the most illustrious lady donisabella (_sic_), and Don Pietro, her brother, with his wife, dining with me in my garden, they put out all my plans. (She then repeats her wish that he should come so that they may speak freely about that which "_cannot be put on paper_.")[235]

Florence, 24 Nov., 1573.

Your Lordship's, &c.

BIANCHA CAPPELLO.

XIV.—_To the same._

1573, Dec. 5.

... I have had a letter from my most magnificent brother, who tells me, that if I do not make up my mind to go to Venice without being married, these affairs of mine will become lengthy and impracticable; and I tell you, my most honoured Lord and Brother, that the lady donisabella (_sic_), will not hear of my going from hence, except on the conditions which she wrote to my brother, i. e. if I am married; and I swear to you, my lord, that I have been with her for more than two days to see if I could move her; but she told me that if I went from here without being married, she would by no means help me; therefore, you see, my Lord, that without her help I could do no good, because I must leave behind my goods and my flesh, by which I mean my daughter; and if I leave one thing still I would not leave the other. My Lord, if you do not bestir yourself to find or to make some friend of yours find a match for me, I think that my business will never be concluded. (_At the end she adds, that she cannot go on, because she is sent for by Isabella Medici to accompany her and Cardinal Fernando to a grand hunting–party at Pisa._)

Florence, the 5th day of December, 1573.

BIANCHA CAPPELLO.

ARTICLE II.

I am indebted also to Signor Odorici for the following important extract from an anonymous chronicle of the life of Pope Sixtus V., the MS. of which exists in the Quirinal library at Rome, and which is, in his opinion, the work of a contemporary writer.

It will be seen that the statements made by the annalist are very difficult to reconcile with the theory of Ferdinando's guilt in the matter of his brother's death.

The reader must balance for himself the conflicting probabilities in this very doubtful and mysterious matter.

... The Nuncio therefore wrote to the Pope and Cardinal Montalto, on the 10th of October, in the following manner:—

"His Highness has been ever since last Thursday, laid up with fever at the Poggio (a country pleasance of the Grand Duke's), an illness brought on by the fatigue of a deer hunt in which his Highness joined on Wednesday the 6th, when the weather was very hot. On the 7th he went with the Cardinal Archbishop of Florence, in a carriage to Miasa, which is five miles from the Poggio; during the journey he suffered much pain in his back. In the afternoon, when he was wont to take some rest, he went into the country and directed the cutting down of some trees to open an avenue, and remained there in the sun and wind. On the 8th, he returned to the Poggio and dined well as usual. After dinner, he was seized with violent vomiting. In the evening, about two hours before sundown he felt unwell, and in order to hide it he sate down to play picquet with the Count of San Secondo; but as his illness increased, he quitted his game, and retired to his chamber where he took some bezoar[236] in broth, then he returned to the company, where, about the time of the Ave Maria, he conversed with the Grand Duchess and others, and so endured his suffering until two hours after sunset, when he was forced to speak of it; whereupon having summoned the physician of his brother, the Cardinal, who was there, he felt his pulse and pronounced him to have fever, and ordered him to go to bed; and that night he did not sleep, and the fever increased. On Saturday morning, the 10th, they took from him fifteen ounces of blood, and in the evening, two hours before sunset, four ounces more; nor did the fever at all diminish, which is considered to be a double tertian without any very painful symptoms, except a little dryness of the skin. It is thought, that the Grand Duke's illness has been caused by his having eaten for several days at his morning and evening meals, mushrooms cooked in various ways, of which he was very fond. The illness of the Grand Duke has much affected the Grand Duchess also, who has fever, but not to any great degree."

On the 12th he writes again ... "The Grand Duke ... on the night between Saturday and Sunday was quite easy, and remained so till dinner time. After dinner he did business with his secretaries. Last night he passed quietly enough, although he has had vomitings; but these were occasioned by the medicines given him, and were not violent."

He adds in cypher on another sheet, "The improvement in the Grand Duke's state is not so great as is supposed. The blame of this is laid on his Highness's want of obedience to the physicians, for he insists, contrary to their orders, on having not only snow and ice in his chamber, but he will drink everything iced, even the syrups, and does not abstain from transacting business to the displeasure of the two Cardinals who dare not enter unless they are called." On Sunday the 18th, which was the eleventh day of the Grand Duke's illness, he writes:—"He seems better, but it is only the last flicker of the candle which is going out. Yesterday morning, by order of the Cardinal de' Medici, Monsignor San Giorgio, Ambassador from Mantua to Spain, was refused an audience. The Grand Duchess is not well, but her fever is much decreased," and in cypher, "the change for the worse in the Grand Duke is not only an increase of fever, but he has convulsive tremblings, which cause much alarm. The physicians are accused of having weakened him by loss of blood &c.... At this moment I have received news that the Grand Duke's Confessor was sent for in the night to the Poggio, that he is still there this morning, and that the Duke suffered much during confession. It is now two hours before sundown, and I have just received news that he is _in extremis_, and has received the most holy sacrament. So say the letters from thence, dated two or three hours back." At nine in the morning he writes:—"The Cardinal de' Medici is arrived, and has made known to me through Signor Eneas Venini, his pleasure, and the death of the Grand Duke, which took place last night, four hours and a half after sunset. He commended his wife, children, and family, to his brothers, referring as to other matters, to a will made by him two years ago. The city is quite quiet, and there is no fear of any movement." Lastly, on the 20th he writes:—"This morning about nine o'clock, the Grand Duchess died, overcome by the malignity of a disease which carried her off suddenly. Not on account of her grief for the death of her husband, which she did not know of. She died after receiving all the sacraments, with great firmness of mind. She made her son her heir. To her daughter she has left a certain quantity of grain, and to her ladies five thousand crowns. This evening at dusk, the body of the Grand Duke, in the ducal robes, was carried with 150 torches, and escorted by Florentine gentlemen, to the gate of San Lorenzo, where it was met by the bishop and clergy."

NOTES.

NOTES TO THE LIFE OF TULLIA D'ARAGONA.

1.—Page 7.

There is in the possession of M. Eugène Piot, of Paris, who has kindly communicated it to me, a contemporary song in celebration of the beauty and pomp of Giulia di Ferrara. It is of extreme rarity, and is a very curious morsel of Roman social history in the sixteenth century. The state, glory, splendour, and social standing of the celebrated Roman courtesan are vauntingly set forth in verses put by the writer into her own mouth. The intention, however, is evidently satirical.

2.—Page 13.

The phraseology of the original marks the nature of Strozzi's connection with Tullia more unmistakeably than any permissible English translation could do. The Italian words are, "Senza qualche pratica di donne non saprei vivere; onde ho più volentieri praticato seco, che con altra;" &c.

NOTES TO THE LIFE OF OLYMPIA MORATA.

1.—Page 39.

The entire passage runs as follows; "Prima era in grazia del Papa Madonna Lucrezia sua figlia, la quale è savia e liberale; ma adesso il Papa non l'ama tanto, e l'ha mandato a Nepi; e le ha dato Sermoneta, che gli costa ducati ottanta mila; benche il Duca—(her brother Cesare)—ghiel' abbia tolta, dicendo, 'è donna; non la potrà mantenere.' E si dice anche che esso duca ecᵃ.—(_sic_)—con la predetta sorella Lucrezia; il qual Duca sarà, se vive, uno dei primi capitani d'Italia."

It is fair to observe, that the tenour of this ambassador's report seems to acquit Lucrezia of having been her brother's accomplice in the murder of her husband, Don Alphonso of Aragon.

2.—Page 70.

Olympia's biographers, M. Bonnet and Mr. Colquhoun, in a work entitled "Life in Italy and France in the Olden Time," have supposed that Morato was called to Ferrara by Alphonso to be tutor to his sons, and that this engagement was previous to his exile; and the former of the above writers names Ippolito and Alphonso as having been his pupils. The authority he cites is a letter of Curione; in which, however, it is simply stated that Morato educated two brothers of Hercules. Now, of the two named by M. Bonnet, Ippolito was born in 1509, and Alphonso in 1527, facts which alone cast some difficulty on the statement. Further, it is difficult to understand why, when Ippolito, the second son, and Alphonso, the fourth son, were entrusted to Morato, Francesco, the third son, born in 1510, should have been withheld from his care. But the question is set at rest and all made clear by the authority of the accurate work of Girolamo Baruffaldi, in vol. viii. of the Raccolta Ferrar. di Opusc., in which, as well as in Frizzi's elaborate history, Morato is stated to have been entrusted with the education of Alphonso and Alphonsino, the sons of Duke Alphonso by Laura Dianti, who was his wife—say the Ferrarese writers—his concubine, say the defenders of the Apostolic chamber, who considered these sons as illegitimate—after the death of Lucrezia Borgia. Alphonso was born in 1527, and Alphonsino in 1530. The elder would therefore have been six, and the younger three years old at the time of Morato's departure from Ferrara; dates which sufficiently prove that the tutorship in question must have commenced after his return in 1539, when the lads were respectively twelve and nine years old.

3.—Page 75.

Marot's lines run as follows:—

"Ha! Marguerite, escoute la souffrance Du noble cueur de Renée de France; Puis comme sœur plus fort que d'esperance Console–la. "Tu sais comment hors son pays alla, Et que parents et amis laissa là, Mais tu ne sais quel traitement elle a En terre estrange. "Elle ne voit ceulx à qui se veult plaindre, Son œil rayant si loing ne peut attaindre; Et puis les monts pour ce bien lui estaindre Sont entre deux."

4.—Page 88.

The original Latin of Giraldi's lines is given here in justice to the author, and also in justice to the translator.

"Tota es splendida et emicas nitore, Virtutum tenera educata in aula Inter Virgineum chorum Renatæ, Inter Pieridum chorum sororum. Felix cui famulatur hæc puella! Felices genuere qui parentes, Et te nomine Olympiæ vocarunt! Felicissimus ille, si modo ulli, Uxor contigeris viro fruenda! Hinc et non nihil ipse sum beatus, Inter articularios dolores, Cui talis faveat seni puella!"

5.—Page 89.

Here are Olympia's hexameters and pentameters in her own Greek:—

_"Ούποτε μὲν ξυμπασιν ἑνὶ φρεσὶν ἢνδανε ταὐτὸ, Κ' οῦποτε πασιν ἰσον Ζεὺς παέδωκε νόον, Ἱππόδαμος Κάστορ, πὺξ δ' ἷν ἀγαθὸς Πολυδέυκης Ἓκγονος ἐξ αὐτης ὂρνιθος ἀμφότερος. Κἀγὼ μὲν θηλυς γεγυια τά θηλυκὰ λειπον, Νὲματα κερκίδιον, στὴμονα καὶ καλάθους. Μουσάων δ' ἆγαμαι λειμωνα τον ἀνθεμόεντα, Παρνάσσου θ' ελαρὸυς τον διλόφοιο κορούς. Ἄλλαι τέρπονται μεν ῖσος ἂλλοισι γυναικες, Ταυτα δὲ μοὶ κυδος, ταυτα δὲ χαρμοσύνη."_

6.—Page 99.

The few lines in the text on the subject of the watercourses of the lower valley of the Po, may serve to indicate the nature of the matters in dispute between the government of Ferrara and that of the Pope. But they are very insufficient to give any competent idea of that very curious and interesting subject. And any attempt to do so would lead to a digression of most inordinate dimensions. The subject is not only one of very curious historical interest, but is of the highest economic and scientific importance at the present day. In one word, the remarkably friable soil of large districts of the mountain chain of Upper and Central Italy is in process of being moved away into the seas on either coast of the peninsula. The large low flats, which have been already formed by this process, make it difficult for the waters to transport across them the materials they are heavily charged with. Hence districts of extreme fertility, rice grounds, marshes, malaria, rivers running in embankments above the level of the surrounding country, inundations, malicious cutting of banks, fights, and demoralisation of the riverain populations, old havens destroyed, and finally deserted by the sea, commercial cities left commerceless, and a whole train of ulterior consequences. The subject is a very large one, and to him who would look beyond the mere temporary troubles of the Pope's despotisms, and churches, the most vital one of any that affects the future of Italy.

7.—Page 106.

Olympia's Greek hexameters and pentameters run thus:—

_"Κάτθανεν Ἀονίδων κυδος μέτα Παρθιενικάων Βέμβος ὁ των Ἐνετων φωσφρος εἰναλὶων. Ὄυπερ ἐνὶ βροτὲοισι το νυν ἐναλίγκιος ἐστι Ὀυδεὶς οὐτ' ἔργοις, οὐτ' ἐπεέσσιν ἀνέρ. Οὐ θανέοντος ἔδοξεν ἀμ' εὐετίν πάλιν αὐτὸς Εἰσίεναι στυγερὸν Τυύλλιος εἲς ἀίδον."_

8.—Page 129.

Here is the original of this curious and very obscure passage:

"De vestibus, petere illas non decet. Nam nuper Princeps per quandam mulierem nuntiavit mihi, non esse verum quod nobillissimi Camilli uxor quicquam de salutanda filia illi dixisset. Attamen quia filia hoc vellet, se id permettere factum; illam vero petiisse mihi unam vestem quam non prius se daturam quam ipsa rediisset, dixit. Hæc respondisse arbitror, ut viderem illam nihil mea causa facere, sed illius; et ut (sed tacere melius est, quod omnes vident) Lysippæ satisfaceret quam secum tunc fuisse credo. Ut ut hæc sint, illas me habituram vix credo. Vale."

M. Jules Bonnet gives no assistance towards understanding this difficult passage. He translates (?) as follows, without any remark. "Il serait feu convenable de réclamer publiquement les objets que j'ai laissés à la cour. La duchesse m'a fait dire, par une de ses femmes, qu'il n'était pas vrai que l'épouse du noble comte Camillo Orsini l'eût chargée de salutations pour sa fille. Elle a cependant ajouté qu'à la sollicitation de cette dernière, elle consentait à ce que l'on me cedât une de mes robes, ce qui ne pourrait avoir lieu toutefois qu'après son propre retour à Ferrare. Cette réponse a été sans doute calculée pour me montrer qu'on agit ainsi, par consideration pour une autre, et non pour moi; ou plutôt elle a été inspirée par la haine de celle qui ne nous veut que du mal, et qui est en ce moment au palais. Mais il vaut mieux se taire sur un sujet, qui n'est un secret pour personne. Je n'espère rien obtenir quoi qu'il arrive." It will be observed that here is no attempt at translating "quia filia hoc vellet, se id permittere factum," seeing that by no possible construction could "hoc" refer to the giving of the robe, or to aught else than the salutation previously spoken of. Then why should "Lysippa" be changed into "the hatred of one who wishes us only ill"? Is it not more likely that Lysippa, whoever she was, merely wanted the dresses for herself?

9.—Page 159.

The works of Olympia were printed under the supervision of Curione, at Bâle, in 1570, with the following title:—

"Olympiæ Fulviæ Moratæ, fæminæ doctissimæ ac plane divinæ, opera omnia quæ hactenus inveniri potuerunt, et quibus Cælii Secundi Curionis selectæ epistolæ ac orationes accesserunt."

The work is dedicated by Curione to Queen Elizabeth. It is a volume of small octavo size, and that part of it occupied by the writings of Olympia consists of 244 pages.

The contents are as follows:—

Three prefaces to lectures on the Paradoxes of Cicero.

An essay on Q. M. Scævola in Greek.

Translations into Latin of two fables of Boccaccio.

A dialogue between Olympia and Lavinia della Rovere.

A dialogue between Philotima and Theophila.

Two books of letters. Of these forty–seven only are by Olympia. They are all in Latin, save one in Greek, written in her girlhood to her master Sinapi, and one in Italian. The rest of the letters are mostly from her correspondents to her. A few are from one of these to another on matters relating to her.

After the letters there are translations of eight psalms into Greek verse.

Five short pieces of a few lines of Greek verse.

Three equally short fragments of Latin verse.

NOTES TO THE LIFE OF BIANCA CAPPELLO.

1.—Page 222.

The original text of the judgment leaves no doubt of Bianca's indiscretion previous to her flight. Maria Donati is condemned, "quod fuerit adeo perfida et temeraria, quod dum esset ancilla in domo, v. n. d. Bartol. Capello, ausa fuerit ad instantiam Petri de Bonaventuris filii Zanobii Florentini, ut ejus animum et libidinem expleret lænocinium præstare in fallendo, et ad id alliciendo Blancham filiam prdict. v. nob. ex quo ipsa Blancha non solum habuit rem cum prædicto Petro, sed etiam cum ipso ex domo ejus patris et e venetiis aufugit."

2.—Page 248.

The important chronicle written by Settimanni, a Florentine patrician of the 16th century, and which contains more revelations of Medicean secrets than perhaps any other of the numerous "ricordi" of that period, is now at last being printed (it is said?) at Parma. Its existence, and the important nature of its contents, have long been well known by Florentine writers. But, for a long time, the only extant copy, which is preserved in the "Archivio delle Riformagioni," was not permitted to be seen.

3.—Page 299.

Galluzzi writes, that Francis consented to the wish of the ambassadors, who desired to crown Bianca. But that this is an error, and that the statement in the text is correct, is proved by the existence of a letter extant in the registers of the Senate, under the date of the 6th October, 1579, from the senate to the ambassadors Tiepolo and Michiel, ordering them to place a ducal crown on Bianca's head, "per accondiscendere al desiderio delle loro altezze," etc., etc.

Galluzzi probably thought that it _looked better_ for Tuscany to represent that Venice was the requesting, and Francesco the consenting party.

4.—Page 301.

Few who have visited Florence will forget the strange irregularity in the plan of the "palazzo vecchio," and the legend which was, doubtless, told them to explain it,—that the republic would not suffer its palace to stand in any degree on ground accursed, by having been the site of the mansions of a vanquished faction,—dubbed, of course, when vanquished,—enemies of their country.

5.—Page 335.

There exists a tradition among the literary men of Florence, that the MS. of this history by Martinetti was purchased in Florence by an Englishman, and carried to England. The loss of it is much lamented by them, as there is reason to think that it would be found to be a more valuable history of the period of which it treats,—the reigns of the Medicean Grand Dukes,—than any other extant.

6.—Page 337.

I have thought it as well to give the reader the original words of this strange passage in Signor Soderini's letter, that he may be the better able to judge for himself how far any such meaning as that suggested, may, with any probability, be attributed to them. They run thus:

"Quando, che alli giorni passati la Morte cavalcò sopra il suo destriero magro, e disfatto per investirsi del titolo di Grande. La Morte ottenne a Roma il titolo di Grande, e conseguita ch'ella ebbe cossifatta indecentissima intitolazione, se ne cavalcava frettolosa alla volta del Poggio a Caiano, e quivi con irresistibile forza e pari valore assaltò il Grande Etrusco di Firenze e Siena, e lo abbattè alli 19 di Ottobre, 1587, a 4 ore e mezzo di notte, e di 47 anni lo privò di vita dopo strani e disusati scontorcimenti, e ululati e muggiti diversi."

INDEX.

A.

Abbioso, Bishop, his courtiership, 329

Academies, tendency of, in Italy, 398

Agricola, theologian, draws up the Interim, 135

Albert of Brandenburg, 171 throws himself into Schweinfurth, 172 is driven out of Schweinfurth, 176

Aldobrandini, Cardinal, dedicated works to Isabella Andreini, 212

Alexander VII. elected, 362 his replies to Olympia's advances, 363 banishes Olympia to Orvieto, 364

Alphonso I. Duke of Ferrara, 37 rides through Ferrara at the Beffana, 45 stolen visit to his bride, 47 his difficulties with the church, 50

Alternatives for an old lady, 21

Aminta of Tasso, 218

Andreini, Isabella, her birth, 205 contemporary with Shakspeare, 206 her titles, 210 goes to France, 211 medal struck in her honour, _ib._ anagrams on her name, 212 praises of, by her contemporaries, _ib._ her irreproachable character, 214 her death and epitaph, _ib._ her "Mirtilla," 216 her letters, _ib._ her dialogues, 217 no account of her characters, 218

Andreini, Francesco, Isabella's husband, 213

Andreini Giovanni Batista, Isabella's son, 211

Angelio of Bargo, Astrologer, 28

Anna d'Este, her birth, 77 Calcagnini's letter to her, 78 Curione's praises of her, _ib._ her affection for Olympia Morata, 89 her marriage, 109

Antonio de' Medici, birth of, 264

Arcadia and the Arcadians, 399 nicknames, 404 falsehood in the matter of Corilla's crowning, 406

Assassinations, common in Florence, 225, 236

Augsburg in the sixteenth century, 143

Avvogaria, register of, obliteration in, 221

B.

Bâle, Olympia would willingly settle at, 155

Baker, anecdote of, about B. Cappello, 223

Barbara, Olympia Morata's maid, 163

Bayle, his remark on Isabella Andreini's epitaph, 215

"Beffana," curious custom, 44

Belvidere, near Ferrara, gardens of, 94

Bembo, anecdote of, 61 his character, 105 Olympia Morata's epitaph on him, 106

Bianca Cappello, early character, 223 her journey to Florence, 224 confined to her husband's house in Florence, 225 her personal appearance, 226 receives promise of marriage from Francesco, 234 probably cognisant of her husband's murder, 236 her character, 241 balances her accounts, 257 fictitious autobiography of, 258 her magical practices, 261 plot to impose a false heir on the Duke, 262 her fears, 264 progress in crime, 266 real nature of her witchery, 268 her bold step with Francesco, _ib._ goes into retirement, 273 her ascendancy over the Duke, _ib._ entertains the Court in the Oricellari gardens, 276 suborns Francesco's confessor, 290 her reception at Bologna, 291 her marriage with Francesco, 292 her coronation as daughter of St. Mark, 299 becomes reconciled to the Cardinal, 304 her claims respecting her daughtership of St. Mark, 311 her repeated pregnancies, 313 her unhappy life at Pratolino, 316 her family feeling, 318 at Cerveto, 320 declares herself again with child, 322 her interview with Pietro, 325 her pregnancy again comes to nothing, 329 her death, 332 different theories respecting it, 333, _et seq._ post–mortem examination, 338 grounds of Ferdinando's hatred for her, 342 her burial, 343 pasquinades on her, 344

Boccaccio, Tullia's opinion of his works, 24 Olympia Morata's translation from, 103

Bodoni's volume on Corilla's coronation, 403

Bolsec, Jerome, 111 his disputes with Calvin, 112

Bonaventuri, Pietro, his condemnation, 221 deceives Bianca, 224 receives an appointment at Court, 233 lover of Cassandra Ricci, 235 murdered in the streets of Florence, 236

Books, high value of, in the sixteenth century 160

Borso, Duke of Ferrara, 34

C.

Cafaggiuolo, villa of, 255

Calcagnini, Celio, 56 his message to Olympia Morata, 62.

Calvin at Ferrara, 72 turned out from Ferrara, 75 prosecutes Jerome Bolsec, 112

Cappello palace, situation of, 222

Caraffa, Cardinal, 80

Casino, importance of, in Italian domestic economy, 229

Catherine de' Medici, her severe answer to Francesco, 309

Catherine II. of Russia, invites Corilla, 401

Cerreto, Ducal Villa, 320

Classical studies, female, in sixteenth century, 2, _et seq._

Clement VII., Pope, his dealings with the Duke of Ferrara, 51, _et seq._

Collar, Duke Borso's golden, 34

Columbano, Princess, takes La Corilla to Naples, 396

Comedy, Italian, in the sixteenth century, 208

Corilla, La, her real name and birth, 395 drives a thriving trade, 399 employed by Maria Theresa, 401 invited by Catherine of Russia, 401 by Joseph II., 402 enters Arcady, 403 proposals for her crowning, 405 the difficulty in the way, _ib._ subjects in which she was examined, 408 her examination, 409, _et seq._ her coronation, 113 pasquinades on her retirement to Florence and death, 416

Cosmo I., sonnet to, 15

Cosmo de' Medici, court of, 227

Cosmo I. of Florence, founds the Florentine academy, 398

Creeds, affairs of head not heart, 122

Curione, Celio, 56 first acquaintance with Morato, 65 his adventures, _ib._ conversations with Morato, 66 visit to Ferrara, 69 his letter to Olympia's mother, 140 encourages Olympia in her classical studies, 147

D.

Dante's obligations to Guerrino il Meschino, 22

Death, the desire for, 194

Demimonde and Monde in sixteenth century, 16

Dialogue on Love, Tullia's, 27

Diction, over–attention to, in Italy, 83

Dominicans, church of, at Bologna, 366

Domenichi Ludovico, 17

Donati, Maria, B. Cappello's servant, 222

Drama, Italian literature weak in, 206

E.

Eleonora di Teledo, patronises Tullia, 28 her death, 228

Eleonora di Garzia, 240 her murder, 255

Emilio, Olympia's brother accompanies her to Italy, 141 falls out of window, 150 his death, 198

Erbach, counts of, 178 receive Olympia, 179 their mode of life, 180

F.

Family feeling in Italy, 317

Famine in Ferrara, 49

Fannio, the martyr, 115, 118

Ferdinando de' Medici, Cardinal, 237 his causes of discontent, 245 his knowledge of all that passed at Florence, 246 receives the confession of the woman who managed the introduction of Don Antonio, 266 his indignation, 267 his change of conduct after the death of the Duchess Giovanna, 287 goes to Florence in 1579, 293 his anger at leaving his brother's marriage, 294 his pecuniary difficulties, 304 his reconciliation with Bianca, 305 his misgivings respecting Bianca's intentions, 319, _et seq._ again in Florence, 326 refuses his brother's invitation, 328 visits Francesco for the Villeggiatura, 330 suspected of poisoning Francesco and Bianca, 334, 337, _et seq._ his conduct after the death of his brother, 341 his probable motives, _ib._ succeeds peaceably to his brother, 345

Fernandez, Fernando, La Corilla's husband, 396

Festivities at Lucrezia Borgia's marriage, 44, 48

Filippo, son of Giovanna, his death, 312

Flach, M. invited by Olympia to translate some of Luther's works into Italian, 158

"Flourishing;" what is the period of a lady's, 20

Forca, via della, in Florence, Corilla's home, 393

Francesco de' Medici, 236 his character, 238 his court, 242 his character, _ib._ his temper, 243 his wealth, 244 his interview with Orsini, 247 easily duped by Bianca's trick, 264 becomes an accomplice in introducing a false heir, 270 in the Oricellari gardens, 281 feelings on the death of his wife, 284 his wishes and fears to marry Bianca, 285 his discontent with the court of France, 288 sends poison and assassins into France, 289 consults the church with reference to his marriage with Bianca, 290 marries Bianca, 292 entertains 170 Venetians, 298 his munificence to them, 303 his troubles about his title, 306 why he showed no grief at his son's death, 312 his life at Pratolino, 315 his cruelty to Camilla de' Martelli, 321 his suspicions and strange conduct, 327 invites the Cardinal to Florence, 328 his death, 332 different theories respecting it, 333, _et seq._ his illness, 335 circumstances attending his death, 340

Frari at Venice, Archives, 220

Fugger family, 143 ridiculous blunder respecting their name, 144 their residence, _ib._

G.

Gallerati, Dr., his prescriptions for E. Sirani, 381 his opinion on her death, 382

Gelli, Giambatista, his comedy of the "Sporta," 210

German cities refuse to accept the Interim, 136

Gibbon, on Lucrezia Borgia, 40

Ginori, Lorenzo, pays the cost of Corilla's crowning, 406

Giovanni de' Medici, his embassy to Venice, 297

Giraldi, G. Gregorio, 56 his verses to Olympia Morata, 88

Giulia of Ferrara, 7

Gloucester, Duke of, present at Corilla's crowning, 410

Grünthler, Andreas, 124 his wooing, 125 marriage, 126 returns to Germany, 127 his prospects in Germany, 133 prolonged absence from his wife, 138 returns to bring his wife to Germany, 139 attends Hermann in his illness, 147 settles at Schweinfurth, 151 rejects appointment offered at Lintz, 166 struck down by pestilence in Schweinfurth, 173 obtains a chair at Heidelberg, 181 obliged to borrow money, 19 in the pestilence at Heidelberg, 196 his death, 198

Guarini, Alexander, 56

Guerrazzi, his dialogue between Francesco and his brother Pietro de' Medici, 250

Guerrino el Meschino, origin of, 23

H.

Hammelburg, Olympia's escape to, 177

Heidelberg, in the sixteenth century, 186 pestilence breaks out in, 196

Hercules I., Duke of Ferrara, 35 his reply to Venice, 36 his piety, 37 his death, 49 resists the Pope, 147

Hercules II., of Ferrara, his dealings with the church, 73 his unwillingness to receive Paul III., 93

Hermann, George, of Augsburg, 138

Hirschhorn, evening in the inn at, 182

History, happy times have little, 168 the makers of, _ib._

Hubert, Thomas, of Liège, 138

Humidi, academy of, 15

Hydrostatic difficulties of the Duke of Ferrara, 97 disputes arising from, 98, _et seq._

I.

Improvisation, talents needful for, 400 tendencies of, 401

Indulgence to Ferrara, 48

Innocent X., Pope, 351 his early preferments, 352 election to the papacy, 353 his death, 360

Innspruck, Charles V. in winter quarters at, 169

Interim, the, 135

Isabella Orsini, 228 her character, 241 her death, 248 judgment of history on her, 249

Italy loses her pre–eminence of civilisation, 123

Italian nature, dramatic, 206

J.

Joan of Austria, marriage with Francesco de' Medici, 231 her unhappy position, 237, 241, 271 her extravagance, 272 has a son, _ib._ her death, 282

Joan, Pope, story of, 346

Julius II., Pope, designs on Ferrara, 50

Julius III., Pope, 114

L.

Ladies, learned, their number in the sixteenth century, 1

Lavinia della Rovere, her friendship with Olympia Morata, 101 her religious inquiries and indifferentism, 102 visits Fannio in his prison, 116 her faithful friendship, 120 not happy, 132

Leo X., Pope, his designs on Ferrara, 50

Letters, difficulty of sending from Germany to Italy, 156

L'Humore of Bologna, anecdote of, 17

Lintz, Chair of Medicine there offered to Grünthler, 165

Literature, safe, princes who patronise, 397

Lucia Tolomelli, the maid in the Sirani family, 374 her troubles with her mistress, 375 her escapade with the tinker, 376 imprisoned in the poor–house, 377 her fairings, _ib._ suspected of poisoning E. Sirani, 383 grounds of suspicion, 384 claimed by the church, 385 her second arrest and examination, _ib._ her defence, 386 her exile, 387

Lucrezia Borgia, her marriage, 37, 42 her previous character, 38 defended by Roscoe, 39 moral phenomenon, 41 entry into Ferrara, 46 evening of her life and death, 51 contrasted with Duchess Renée, 59

M.

Macchiavelli, his comedy "Mandragola," 210

Malvasia, his history of E. Sirani, 391

Marco, St. Piazza of, in Florence, 225 Casino di, 229

Marot, Clement, at Ferrara, 75 his lines on Duchess Renée, 76

Martelli, Camilla, 228, 240 comes out of her convent–prison, 321

Martinetti, his history, 335

Material prosperity disclaimed as an object by Catholic writers, 30

Mattaselani, Dr., his evidence respecting E. Sirani's death, 387

Maurice, Elector of Saxony, 170

Medici family, domestic tragedy, 227

Michiel, Giovanni, envoy from Venice to Florence, 297

Mondragone, Marchesa, arranges meeting of Francesco and Bianca, 229, 230

Montaigne, his description of Bianca Cappello, 226

Morata, Olympia, her birth, 55–60 early promise and beauty, 62 first seeds of Protestant doctrine, 67 her acquirements at thirteen years old, 70 flattered by all Ferrara, 71 becomes an inmate of the Court, 79 her delight at her new position, 82 her earliest compositions, 83 her lecturing at sixteen, 84 specimen of her elocution, 86 verses to her from Giraldi, 88 her Greek verses, 90 her female friendships, 100 early religious indifferentism, and subsequent strong convictions, 103, 107 translations from Boccaccio, 103 her Greek epitaph on Cardinal Bembo, 106 at her father's death–bed, 109 dismissed from the palace, 110 visits Fannio in his prison, 116 commencement of religious convictions, 117 changed circumstances, 119 her lines on virginity, _ib._ letter to Curione on her time of disgrace, 120 commencement of regeneration, 122 her love, 126 her marriage, _ib._ separated from her husband, 127 her letter to her husband, 128 detention of her dresses by the Court, 130 dialogue with Lavinia della Rovere, 132 finally leaves Italy, 139 her journey across the Alps, 141 her letter to Giraldi, 146 misgivings as to her classical studies, _ib._ Curione encourages her, 147 her stay with Hermann, _ib._ urges Lavinia della Rovere to save Fannio, 148 her stay with John Sinapi, 149 her ideas of a special providence, 150, 174 settles at Schweinfurth, 151 her real name questioned, 152 is an interesting character both to the religionist and the moralist, _ib._ letter to Curione, 155 sends money to her mother, 156 letter to Lavinia della Rovere, 157 moderation of her Calvinism, _ib._ her dialogue between Philotima and Theophila, 159 receives her books from Italy, 160 receives Theodora Sinapi, 161 lectures a backsliding divine, 165 tends her husband in his sickness, 174 her letter during the siege to Lavinia della Rovere, 174 letter to her sister describing her flight from Schweinfurth, 176 miserable journey to Erbach, 178 her health destroyed, 179 at Hirschhorn, 183 is offered a chair of Greek at Heidelberg, 184 receives letter and books from Curione, 187 ignorance of German, 190 declines to be at the Court of the Electress of Heidelberg, 192 receives Theodora Sinapi at Heidelberg, 192 theology of her letters, 193 her desire for death, 194 her last letter to Curione, 196 her last moments, 197 her epitaph, 198 her European reputation, 199 the basis of it, 200 value of her story to us, 203

Morato, Peregrino, fixes himself at Ferrara, 55 his Protestantism, 60 his criticism on Bembo, 61 his exile, 63 his training of his daughter, 64 his difficulties, _ib._ returns to Ferrara, 70 appointed tutor to the Duke's sons, _ib._ his instructions to his daughter, 85 his illness and death, 108

O.

Ori, Matthew, inquisitor, 113

"Oricellari Orti," their history, 274 given to Bianca Cappello, 275 a night's amusement there, 276

P.

Paganism of Italian society in the sixteenth century, 3

Palazzo Vecchio at Florence, chapel in, 292

Pallavicini, Princess, La Corilla's patroness, 395

Pamfili, Camillo, created cardinal, 353 his gross ignorance, 354 his marriage, 356 succeeds to his mother's wealth, 364

Pamfili, G. Batista, Olympia's husband, 348

Pamfili, Olympia, her birth, 348 her marriage, _ib._ her ambitious plans, 349 her avarice, 354 her venality, 355 banished from the Vatican, 358 returns, _ib._ her mode of life in the Vatican, 359 her last simoniacal bargain, 360 her plans after the death of Innocent, 361 makes advances to Alexander VII., 363 banished from Rome, 364 her death, _ib._

Pavia, Curione at, 68

Pedagogues lay, a new social feature in the sixteenth century, 54 their social position, 64

Pellegrina, Bianca's daughter, birth of, 232

Persecution increases, 195

Pestilence in Ferrara, 49

Petrarch, crowned at the Capitol, 394

Philip II. of Spain, odious to the German electors, 169 informed of Francesco's marriage with Bianca, 294 approves of the murder of Donna Eleonora de' Medici, 256 godfather to the Duchess Giovanna's son, 273

Phœnix burning in Ferrara, 51

Picchena, Curzio, envoy employed by Francesco de' Medici as a poisoner, 289

Pietro de' Medici, 228 his character, 239 his marriage, 240 urged to re–marry, 319 stays at Florence to watch Bianca, 321 his letter to the Cardinal, 322 ill–treated by the Duke, 324 his interview with Bianca, 325 his report of it to the Cardinal, 326

Po, river, difficulties connected with, 97

Poetesses, Tiraboschi's list of, 1

Poggio–a–Caiano, ducal villa, 321 the Duke's death there, 332 Bianca's death there, _ib._

Pratolino, Ducal villa, 314

Progress, moral, proofs of, 42

Psalms translated into Greek by Olympia, and set to music by Grünthler, 164

Publishers, eminent, send presents of books to Olympia, 187

Puteano, Ericio, his inscription on Isabella Andreini, 211

R.

Rabelais on the Fuggers, 143

Renée of France, her marriage with Hercules II., 57 her person and character, 58 her Protestantism, 59 theological difficulties with her husband, 72 secret reception of Calvin, 72 scene in her closet, 74 in durance, 81 abandons Olympia, 113, 130

Reno river, difficulties connected with, 98

Respectability, prized by Italians, 238

Riario family is founded, 166 present family, ancestor of, 173

Ricci, Bartolomeo, 56

Ricci, Cassandra de, her murder, 236

Roman history, society, means of rising in, 349

Rosaria, Princess, Camillo Pamfili's wife, 357

Rosarias, Andreas, poor schoolmaster out of employ, 193

Roscoe's defence of Lucrezia Borgia, 39

Rudolph, the Emperor, his reply to the Italian Princes, 310

S.

Salviati, Maria, sonnet to, 16

Savoy, Duke of, his claim to pre–eminence over other Italian princes, 309

Scandal in Europe, caused by Olympia Pamfili, 357

Scenery, appreciation of, a modern sentiment, 142

Schweinfurth, Olympia finds a home at, 151 its condition in the sixteenth century, 154 idea of Olympia's home in, 162 siege of, 172 pestilence in, 173 destruction of the city, 176

Serene, title of, squabbles about, 307

Servants, Olympia's troubles with, 188

Sinapi, Chilian, 56

Sinapi, John, 56 letter from, 88 Olympia's letters to, 131 settled at Würzburg, 149 receives Olympia in his house, _ib._ death of his wife, 166 sends Olympia a volume recovered from the sack of Schweinfurth, 186 his letter to Olympia, 187

Sirani, Elisabetta, her artistic merits, 367 story of her death, 368 her home in Bologna, 369 her catalogue of her works, 370 her rapidity of execution, 371 paints before Cosmo of Tuscany, _ib._ before the Duchess of Brunswick, 372 her disposal of her earnings, 373 frugal life, _ib._ falls into ill–health, 379 her death, 380 mourning in Bologna for her death, 380 her personal appearance, 391

Sirani, G. Andrea, Elisabetta's father, 369 his conduct to Lucia Tolomelli, 377 withdraws his accusation against Lucia, 387

Sirani, Anna Maria, Elisabetta's sister, 369

Sirani, Barbara, Elisabetta's sister, 369 is ill with fever, 379

Sirani, Margherita, Elisabetta's mother, 375

Soderini, Giovanni Vettorio, his extraordinary letter, 336

Strozzi, Filippo, his character, 11 his connection with Tullia d'Aragona, 12

Strozzi, Matteo, envoy to Venice, 295

Squadrone volante, in the Conclave, 362

T.

Tagliavia, Peter, at Trent, 5 his reminiscences, 6 educates his daughter, 8

Tasso crowned at the Capitol, 394

Terence, Adelphi of, performed before Paul III. at Ferrara, 95

Theodore, daughter of John Sinapi, a pupil of Olympia, 161

Theology, Olympia's, 193

Theriaca medicine, 380

Tiepolo, Antonio, envoy from Venice to Florence, 297

Tiraboschi, his notion of comedy, 208

Torelli, Lelio, his murder, 247

Toselli, Mazzoni, his pamphlet on E. Sirani, 369

Tragedy, Italian, in the sixteenth century, 207

Treuthuger, the schoolmaster at Hirschhorn, 183

Troilo, Orsini, 247

Tullia d'Aragona, her birth, and early talents, 8 difficulties of dates respecting her, 10 her beauty, 14 her husband, 15 scene at her house, 17 leaves Rome, 18 specimen of her poetry, 19 quits "La Bohème," 22 her translation of Guerrino el Meschino, _ib._ her opinion of Boccaccio, 24 her propriety, 25 her Dialogue on the Infinity of Love, 26 her death, 28

V.

Varchi, Bened., a personage in Tullia's "Dialogo," 26

Venetian senate, their conduct on hearing the Duke's marriage with Bianca Cappello, 295 their reply to Bianca's remonstrances, 311

Villach, Charles V. at, 170

Villeggiatura, Italian habit of, 330

THE END.

BRADBURY AND EVANS, PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS. FOOTNOTES:

[1] Gaume, ver Rongeur.

[2] Roccho Pirro. Sicilia Sacra, ad. art. Tagliavia.

[3] Sarpi., lib. iv. sec. 37.

[4] Zilioli, Storia di poeti Ital., cited by Mazzuchelli, art. "Tullia."

[5] Note 1.

[6] Vitæ Pontif. et Cardin.

[7] "L'ornamento degli abiti lascivi," is Zilioli's phrase.

[8] Mazzuchelli, vol. i. p. 928.

[9] Printed at p. 183 of the "Documenti Storici," appended by Signor Bigazzi to Niccolini's tragedy of "Filippo Strozzi." Firenze, 1847.

[10] _Ibid._, p. 185.

[11] Strozzi was then forty–three.

[12] Note 2.

[13] MSS. Stroz., Clas. 7, Cod. No. 95, p. 75.

[14] Facetie, Motti, e Burle, Raccolte per M. L. Domenichi. Venetia, 1588.

[15] "Mezza Vecchia."

[16] Istor. di Volg. Poesia, vol. i. p. 341.

[17] Vol. i. p. 930.

[18] Fam. Med. Tavola, 14.

[19] Frizzi, Mem. per la Storia di Ferrara, vol. iv. p. 80.

[20] Frizzi, Mem. per la Storia di Ferrara, vol. iv. p. 80.

[21] _Vide apud_ Frizzi, Mem. Stor. di Ferrara, vol. iv. p. 184.

[22] Ancient Diary, cited by Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 164.

[23] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 217.

[24] Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, ser. xi. vol. iii. p. 11.

[25] Note 1.

[26] Appendix, on Lucrezia Borgia; Life of Leo X.

[27] Antiq. of the House of Brunswick.

[28] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 203.

[29] Diario Ferrarese. Anon. apud Muratori, tom. xxiv. p. 399.

[30] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 207.

[31] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 220.

[32] Vol. iv. p. 281.

[33] C. Secundi Curionis Epist., lib.

[34] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 307.

[35] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 307.

[36] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 329.

[37] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 307.

[38] Altogether wrongfully, it should seem.

[39] Opere di Bembo; Milano, 1810, vol. vii. p. 226.

[40] Letters of Calcagnini cited by Bonnet, in his Vie d'Olympia Morata, p. 27.

[41] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 359.

[42] Tiraboschi, tom. vii. p. 1746.

[43] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 359.

[44] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 359.

[45] Tiraboschi, tom. vii. p. 2286.

[46] This brief account of the career of Curione has been taken from Bonnet's Vie d'Olympia, supplemented, where necessary, by Tiraboschi.

[47] Tiraboschi, tom. vii. p. 1747.

[48] Note 2.

[49] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 329.

[50] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 329.

[51] Frizzi, _ibid._

[52] For the original, see Note 3.

[53] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 360.

[54] _Ibid._

[55] Calc. Opera., cited by Bonnet.

[56] Celio Curione, Epist., cited by Bonnet.

[57] Cited by M. Bonnet.

[58] A citation from Juvenal, alluding to certain rhetorical jousting–bouts established by Caligula at Lyons.

[59] Curionis, Epist.

[60] Calcag. Opera.

[61] See Note 4.

[62] Bonnet, p. 37.

[63] Note 5.

[64] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 347.

[65] Frizzi, vol. i. p. 147.

[66] Note 6.

[67] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 342.

[68] The historian of Ferrara, Gaspar Sardi, dedicated to her, towards the end of the period spoken of, his book "De Triplici Philosophiâ."

[69] Sansovino, Hist. de Casa Orsini, cited by Bonnet.

[70] Olymp. Mor. C. S. Curioni, cited by Bonnet.

[71] For the original Greek, see Note 7.

[72] Olymp. Mor. Oper., cited by Bonnet.

[73] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 348.

[74] Antiq. Esten., tom. ii. p. 371.

[75] C.S. Curionis Epist., lib. i. p. 11, cited by Bonnet.

[76] Vie d'Olympia, p. 69.

[77] Article Bolsec.

[78] Beza, in Vitâ Calvini.

[79] Bonnet, Vie, p. 69.

[80] Vie d'Olymp. _ibid._

[81] Frizzi, vol. iv. p. 359.

[82] Histoire des Martyrs, cited by Bonnet, p. 74.

[83] Melchior Adam, Vita Germanorum Medicorum. Art. Grünthler.

[84] Bonnet, Vie d'Olymp. p. 202.

[85] Olymp. Moratæ Opera. Bâle, 1570.

[86] Bonnet, Vie d'Olymp. p. 79.

[87] Note 8.

[88] C. S. Curione, Xysto Betulsio, 21st letter in the "Epistolæ," Opera Moratæ, Bâle, 1570.

[89] Mendoza. Letter to Charles of 10th June, 1848, cited by Ranke.