Part 5

In the early summer of 1729 Rogers, with his son and daughter, sailed for New Providence, and among other things it is interesting to note that he took with him “two little flagons, one chalice, one paten, and a receiver to take the offerings for the use of his Majesty’s Chapel there,”[71] the building of which had commenced a few years earlier. One of his first duties on arrival was to proceed with the election of an Assembly, which met on the 30th of September in that year. In its first session no less than twelve Acts were passed which it was judged would be beneficial to the welfare of the colony, and efforts were made to encourage the planting of cotton and the raising of sugar canes. Praiseworthy as these endeavours were they were fraught with considerable difficulties. The settlers which it was hoped to attract from the other islands in the West Indies and from the American Colonies were not forthcoming in sufficient numbers, principally owing to the poverty of the colony. In the October of 1730 Rogers wrote: “I found the place so very poor and thin of inhabitants that I never mentioned any salary to them for myself or any one else, and the fees annexed to all offices and places here being the lowest of any part in America, no one can support himself thereon without some other employment.” Nevertheless the spiritual needs of the colony, as we have seen, were not neglected, and Rogers says that they were “in great want of a Chaplain,” and that the whole colony had requested him “to get an orthodox divine as soon as possible.”[72]

To add to his other embarrassments Rogers had considerable difficulty with the members of his Assembly, and the opposition, led by the Speaker, did all in their power to wreck the various schemes that were brought before them. In a letter to the Lord Commissioners of Trade, dated February 10th, 1730/1, he mentions an incident which caused him to dissolve the House[73]:--“During the sessions of the last Assembly I endeavoured (pursuant to his Majesty’s instructions) to recommend to them the state and condition of the Fortifications, which much wanted all the assistance possible for their repair ... to which I did not find the major part of the Assembly averse at first, but since, they have been diverted from their good intentions by the insinuations of one Mr. Colebrooke, their Speaker, who imposed so long on their ignorance, that I was obliged to dissolve them, lest his behaviour might influence them to fall into schemes yet more contrary to the good of the Colony and their own safety. Another Assembly is lately elected, and [I] still find the effects of the above Mr. Colebrooke’s influence on the most ignorant of them, who are the majority.” He added that the present ill-state of his health, “which has been lately much impaired, obliges me to have recourse to his Majesty’s permission of going to South Carolina for change of air, from which I hope to return in three weeks or a month.”

The growth of constitutional government in the colony, and the moulding of the powers and procedure of the legislature on similar lines to the home Government, are vividly brought out in the official reply to Rogers’s despatch. This reply is dated 29th of June, 1731, and it is evident from the tone of it that they realised the difficulties which he had to contend with. “It would be proper,” they wrote, “that the Proceedings of the Assembly also should resemble those of the Parliament of Great Britain so far as the circumstances of the Colony and your Instructions will permit. It would be a pretty difficult task to lay down a plan for the Proceedings of your Assembly in future times, but in general we may observe to you that the Constitution of England owes its preservation very much to the maintaining of an equal Balance between the branches of the legislature, and that the more distinct they are kept from each other, the likelier they will be to agree, and the longer they will be likely to last.”[74]

Up till this date the Crown had only taken over the civil and military jurisdiction of the colony, and the retention of the lands by the proprietors and lessees of the islands undoubtedly hampered their economic progress and well being. Finally, in response to a suggestion from the Crown, the proprietors in a letter of April 11th, 1730, offered to sell out their rights “for one thousand guineas each, clear of all fees,” and Rogers in a letter to the Board of Trade emphasised the necessity of the Crown taking this step, and so bringing to “an end the discouraging contests on titles to land.”[75] By an irony of fate Rogers was not spared to see this suggestion carried into effect.[76] Though his efforts on behalf of the colony had undermined his health, he did not spare himself or shrink from his responsibility. How great that responsibility was, and how he overcame a widespread conspiracy by Colebrooke to overthrow his government is shown in the following letter to the Board of Trade written from Nassau on the 10th of June, 1731[77]:--“How great an enemy Mr. Colebrooke hath been to this Government, and what vile means he used to make the Garrison mutiny, and stir up a spirit of discontent and opposition in the inhabitants, by the great influence which he had artfully gained over the most ignorant of them, while he was Speaker of the Assembly, from all which I humbly hope that the method taken to prevent his proceeding in his seditious and wicked designs will meet with his Majesty’s and your Lordships’ approbation.” The “method taken” was the arrest and indictment of John Colebrooke for sedition. He was tried before the Chief Justice of the Bahamas at the end of May, and found guilty. A fine of £750 was imposed, and he was ordered to be “confined during his Majesty’s pleasure,” and was not to be discharged until he had given “sufficient security” for his future good behaviour.[78]

The influence that such a person could wield over an ignorant community two hundred years ago is strangely reminiscent of the twentieth century! In spite of Colebrooke’s detention, the danger was not yet over, and the canker of sedition seems to have been very deep rooted. Two months later, in August, 1731, Rogers thus reports on the situation[79]:--“I can yet procure no assistance from the inhabitants towards the fortifications, though I have without any help from

[Sidenote: INTRODUCTION]

them built a new Barrack for the Garrison in the Fort, and have made upwards of twenty new carriages for guns of this country timber, and shall continue to do all I can towards the Fortifications as soon as the heat of the summer is over, that I can put the garrison to work again, without endangering their healths. And as soon as possible will try in a new Assembly what I can do, though I fear little public good is to be expected from them if Mr. Colebrooke and his accomplices here can have any influence to prevent the peoples working, they being too poor to contribute anything worth contributing in money.”[80] At what period Colebrooke was released we do not know, but that he appealed to the home Government is certain, and in order that the Lords Commissioners of Trade should have all the facts at their disposal Rogers despatched his son to England with the following letter, dated 14 October, 1731.[81]

As I am at a loss what complaints Mr. Colebrooke may make, I entreat your Lordships will please to allow me to refer you to my son who will have the honour to wait on your Lordships with this, and is instructed to give you such particular information, as you may desire to be apprised of, either with regard to Mr. Colebrooke, or anything else relating to this colony. I have also transmitted herewith transcripts of the Council and Assembly proceedings, and answers to your Lordships’ queries, together with an account of every family[82] on this island in as particular a manner as possible.... I hope soon to visit Columba alias Cat Island,[83] which being esteemed the most fertile of any in this government, I shall transmit to your Lordships a particular account thereof.

This was his last official despatch of any importance, and his death is recorded at Nassau on the 15th of July, 1732. His will, drawn up on the eve of departure from England, and dated 26th of May, 1729, was proved in London on the 24th of November, 1732. In it he bequeaths his property to his son William Whetstone Rogers,[84] and his daughter Sarah Rogers. The probate act describes him “as late of the parish of St. Margaret, Westminster, but dying at the Bahama Islands, a widower.”

And so, amid the tropical grandeur of his island home, with the surge of the broad Atlantic for his requiem, passed all that was mortal of Woodes Rogers. No tombstone stands to mark his last resting-place, but somewhere in Nassau we may be sure that his spirit looks out past the great statue of Columbus standing sentinel over Government House, to the shipping and harbour beyond. One wonders how many of the thousands of visitors who bask in the perpetual sunshine of a winter’s day in this “Queen of Coral Isles,” realise how much they owe to Woodes Rogers and his successors. A great seaman and splendid patriot he deserves well of his country. May this reprint of his “Cruising Voyage” be a fitting tribute to his memory!

* * * * *

This edition of Woodes Rogers’s “Cruising Voyage round the World,” is printed from the original and scarce edition of 1712. In the Introduction, I have attempted to tell the full story of the author’s life from the original documents in the Public Record Office and the British Museum. For the facilities offered me at both these institutions, and also at the London Library, I beg to tender my sincere thanks. I have also to acknowledge my indebtedness to Mr. A. G. H. Macpherson for his kindness in allowing me to reproduce three illustrations from his unique collection of Naval prints, and to the authorities at the National Portrait Gallery for their courtesy in granting me permission to reproduce the beautiful portrait of Captain William Dampier. Finally I have to thank Dr. Philip Gosse, whose enthusiasm for Woodes Rogers spurred me to complete this edition of one of the most interesting voyages in the English language.

G. E. MANWARING.

THE DEDICATION

_To the Worthy Gentlemen my surviving Owners, the Worshipful_ Christopher Shuter _Esq._, _Sir_ John Hawkins _Kt._, John Romsey _Esq._; _Capt._ Philip Freake, _Mr._ James Hollidge, Francis Rogers, Thomas Goldney, Thomas Clements, Thomas Coutes, John Corsely, John Duckinfield, Richard Hawksworth, William Saunders, John Grant, Laurence Hollister, _and_ Daniel Hickman, _Merchants in_ Bristol.

Gentlemen,

_As you did me the Honour to approve my Proposals for the following Voyage, and generously fitted out two Ships, in which you gave me the principal Command; I no sooner resolv’d to publish my Journal, than I determin’d to chuse you for my Patrons: and thereby to take an opportunity of expressing my Gratitude to you, who had the Courage to adventure your Estates on an Undertaking, which to Men less discerning seem’d impracticable._

_I heartily congratulate you on the Success and Profit of this Long and Hazardous Voyage; which might have been greater, but the following Sheets will show it was not my fault._

_I shall only add on this Head, that I used my utmost Endeavours to promote your Interest, which was always prefer’d to my own._

_I make no doubt, it will be to your lasting Honour, that such a Voyage was undertaken from_ Bristol _at your Expence; since it has given the Publick a sufficient Evidence of what may be done in those Parts, and since the Wisdom of the Nation has now agreed to establish a Trade to the_ South-Seas, _which, with the Blessing of God, may bring vast Riches to_ GREAT BRITAIN.

_I wish you intire Health and Happiness, and am_,

GENTLEMEN, _Your most Humble Servant_, WOODES ROGERS.

A

Cruising VOYAGE

Round the

WORLD,

Begun _August 1. 1708._ and Finished _October 14. 1711_.

By Captain WOODES ROGERS,

Commander in Chief.

Tho others, who give an Account of their Voyages, do generally attempt to imitate the Stile and Method which is us’d by Authors that write ashore, I rather chuse to keep to the Language of the Sea, which is more genuine, and natural for a Mariner. And because Voyages of this sort have commonly miscarry’d, ’tis necessary that I should keep to my Original Journal; that the Methods we took to succeed in our Designs, may appear from time to time in their native Light: Therefore without any disguise I shall publish the Copies of all our material Regulations and Agreements, and keep to the usual Method of Sea-Journals, omitting nothing that happen’d remarkable to our selves, or that may serve for Information or Improvement to others in the like Cases. Every day’s Transactions begin at the foregoing Day about twelve a clock, and end at the same Hour the following Day carrying that Date.

Since Custom has likewise prevail’d for Sailors to give an Account of such Countries upon whose Coasts they touch or pass by, I shall so far comply with it as to give a Description of those that occur’d in the Course of my Navigation, especially of such as are or may be of most use for enlarging our Trade; wherein I have consulted the best Authors upon the Subject, and the Manuscript Journals of others, as well as inform’d my self by Inquiry upon the Spot, and from those that have been in the respective Countries I treat of.

_1708. August 2._ Yesterday about four in the Afternoon we weigh’d from _Kingroad_ near _Bristol_, on board the _Duke_ frigate, whereof Capt. _Woodes Rogers_ was Commander, in Consortship with the _Dutchess_, Capt. _Stephen Courtney_ Commander; both private Men of War, bound to _Cork_ in _Ireland_, and thence to the Southward a cruising; the _Duke_ Burden about 320 Tuns, having 30 Guns and 117 Men; and the _Dutchess_ Burden about 260 Tuns by Measure, 26 Guns and 108 Men; both well furnish’d with all Necessaries on board for a distant Undertaking.

We had in Company the _Scipio_, _Peterborough_ frigate, _Prince Eugene_, _Bristol_ Galley, _Berkely_ Galley, _Beecher_ Galley, _Pompey_ Galley, _Sherstone_ Galley, and _Diamond_ Sloop. At ten at night having little Wind, we made the Signal for the Fleet to anchor, between _the Holms_ and _Minehead_. We lay near two hours, and about twelve we fir’d a Gun, and all came to sail, a fine Gale at S E and E S E. We ran by _Minehead_ at six in the morning, having stem’d the Flood from the place we anchor’d at. We came up with a Sloop about ten a clock; but she could not hold way with the Fleet, being all light and clean Ships, and good Sailors.

[Sidenote: _From Kingroad to Cork._]

_August 3._ The Wind veer’d to the N E and E N E. Our Ship and the _Dutchess_ did not sail so well as the major part of the Gallies, our Masts and Rigging being all unfit for the Sea, our Ships out of trim, and every thing in disorder, being very indifferently mann’d; notwithstanding our Number, we had not 20 Sailors in the Ship, and it’s very little better on board the _Dutchess_; which is a Discouragement, only we hope to get some good Sailors at _Cork_. We saw a Sail at five last night, the _Dutchess_ gave chase, and came near her; she seem’d a large Ship, but we lost sight of her at eight a clock. Being inform’d at _Bristol_ that the _Jersy_, a _French_ Man of War carrying 46 Guns, was cruising betwixt _England_ and _Ireland_, it oblig’d us to keep our Hammocks up, and a clear Ship for a Fight, all night. About two this morning the rest of the Fleet that lay a-stern of us came up, and we kept an easy Sail, with a Light out all Night; but when Day came, we saw nothing, so that this prov’d a false Alarm: which happen’d well for us, since had it been real, we should have made but an indifferent Fight, for want of being better mann’d.

_Aug. 4._ The _Bristol_ Galley, _Berkley_ Galley, _Prince Eugene_, and the _Beecher_ Galley, being bound to the Westward, left us at six in the Evening; little Wind at E S E. and smooth Water.

_Aug. 5._ We saw the Land, and finding we had overshot our Port, came to an anchor at twelve a clock off of the two Rocks call’d the _Sovereigns Bollacks_[85] near _Kinsale_, being calm.

_Aug. 6._ About eight last night we weigh’d with the Flood, a small Gale at East; it came on to blow, and veer’d to the Northward. We had a _Kinsale_ Pilot on board, who was like to have endanger’d our Ship, it being dark and foggy. Before day he would have turn’d us into the next Bay to the Westward of _Cork_, had not I prevented it; which provok’d me to chastise him for undertaking to pilot a Ship, since he understood his Business no better. The rest of our Company, except the _Diamond_ and _Sherstone_ Galley, got into _Cork_ before us; only our Consort staid in the Harbour’s Mouth till we came up with her.

_Aug. 7._ Yesterday at three in the Afternoon we came to an anchor with our Consort in the Cove, Wind at N N E.

_Aug. 8._ Came in the _Arundel_ a Queen’s Ship, and order’d us to strike our Pendant; which we immediately did, all private Commission Ships being oblig’d by their Instructions to pay that Respect to all her Majesty’s Ships and Fortifications.

_Aug. 9._ Yesterday Afternoon came in the _Hastings_ with the Fleet under her Convoy, which we left in _Kingroad_: as also the _Elizabeth_, a Merchant-Ship of 500 Tuns, about 26 Guns, and well mann’d, with a Fleet under her Convoy from _Leverpool_, bound to the Westward, with us and the _Hastings_, &c. Fair Weather, the Wind Southerly.

_Aug. 10._ We were well pleas’d with the Men Mr. _Noblett Rogers_[86] got for us at _Cork_; upon which we clear’d several of those brought from _Bristol_, and some of ’em run away, being ordinary Fellows, and not fit for our Employment.

_Aug. 11._ It blow’d fresh and dirty Weather; we had four Lighters from _Cork_ to discharge our Ships, that we might have them well stow’d, and the Provisions in the bottom when they came aboard us. We lengthen’d our Mizen-Mast four Foot and a half, by placing it on a Step on the Gun-Deck; got our Fore-Mast forward, and did what we could in order to be in a better trim than before, against we had better Men to work the Ship, who lay all ready to come aboard from _Cork_.

_Aug. 12._ Blew fresh, and dirty Weather; we clear’d and run near forty of our fresh-water Sailors. The _Shoreham_, Capt. _Saunders_,[87] came hither to convoy a Fleet back to _Bristol_.

_Aug. 16._ Continu’d dirty Weather, so that we could not have an Opportunity to heel our Ship and clean her Bottom; and were forc’d to keep our Provisions cover’d in the Lighter, and Men to watch ’em. This Morning, about ten, one Boat loaded with Men came down from _Cork_ to us. The Fellows appear’d to be brisk, but of several Nations; and I sent to Mr. _Rogers_ to stop the rest till we were ready, our Ships being pester’d.

_Aug. 28._ Nothing happen’d worth notice since the 16th, but that we had good Weather to clean and tallow our Ships five Streaks below the Water-Line, and to take in our Provisions and Men, _&c._ This Morning we fell down to the _Spit-end_ by the _Hastings_ Man of War, as our Consort did the night before. When I came without the _Spit-end_, I saluted the _Hastings_ with seven Guns; they return’d five, and I three for Thanks. We had now above double the number of Officers usual in Privateers, and a large Complement of Men to each Ship. We took this Method of doubling our Officers to prevent Mutinies, which often happen in long Voyages, and that we might have a large Provision for a Succession of

[Sidenote: _At Cork in Ireland._]

Officers in each Ship, in case of Mortality. Our Ship was now so full that we sent our Sheet-Cable and other new Store Cordage to Mr. _Noblett Rogers_ at _Cork_, to make room for our Men and Provisions; having three Cables besides, and being willing rather to spare that, than any thing else we had aboard. Our Crew were continually marrying whilst we staid at _Cork_, tho they expected to sail immediately. Among others there was a _Dane_ coupled by a Romish Priest to an _Irish_ Woman, without understanding a word of each other’s Language, so that they were forc’d to use an Interpreter; yet I perceiv’d this Pair seem’d more afflicted at Separation than any of the rest: The Fellow continu’d melancholy for several days after we were at Sea. The rest understanding each other, drank their Cans of Flip[88] till the last minute, concluded with a Health to our good Voyage, and their happy Meeting, and then parted unconcern’d.

I think it necessary to set down here the Names of all the Officers in both Ships, with the Number of our Men; because it is proper, that the Persons whom this Journal concerns, should be known.

_Officers of the_ Duke

_Woodes Rogers_, Captain, a Mariner; _Thomas Dover_, a Doctor of Physick, second Captain, President of our Council, and Captain of the Marines; _Carleton Vanbrugh_, Merchant, now our Owners Agent; _Robert Fry_, a Mariner, chief Lieutenant; _Charles Pope_, second Lieutenant; _Thomas Glendall_, third Lieutenant; _John Bridge_, Master; _William Dampier_, Pilot for the _South-Seas_, who had been already three times there, and twice round the World; _Alexander Vaughan_, chief Mate; _Lanc. Appleby_, second Mate; _John Ballet_, rated third Mate, but design’d Surgeon, if occasion; he had been Captain _Dampier’s_ Doctor, in his last unfortunate Voyage round the World; _Samuel Hopkins_, being Dr. _Dover’s_ Kinsman and an Apothecary, was both an Assistant to him, and to act as his Lieutenant, if we landed a Party any where under his Command during the Voyage; _George Underhill_ and _John Parker_, two young Lawyers design’d to act as Midshipmen; _John Vigor_, a Reformado,[89] to act as Capt. _Dover’s_ Ensign when ashore; _Benj. Parsons_ and _Howel Knethel_, Midshipmen; _Richard Edwards_, Coxswain of the Pinnace, to receive Midshipmens Pay; _James Wasse_, Surgeon; _Charles May_, his Mate; _John Lancy_, Assistant; _Henry Oliphant_, Gunner, with eight Men call’d the Gunner’s Crew; _Nath. Scorch_, Carpenter; _John Jones_, his Mate, with three Assistants; _Giles Cash_, Boatswain; and _John Pillar_, his Mate; _John Shepard_, Cooper, with two Assistants; _John Johnson_, _Thomas Young_, _Charles Clovet_, and _John Bowden_, all four Quarter-Masters; _John Finch_, late wholesale Oilman of _London_, now Ship’s Steward; _Henry Newkirk_, Sail-maker; _Peter Vandenhende_, Smith and Armourer; _William Hopkins_, Ship’s Corporal, Capt. _Dover’s_ Serjeant, and Cook to the Officers; _Barth. Burnes_, Ship’s Cook.

_Officers of the_ Dutchess

_Stephen Courtney_, Captain, a Mariner; _Edward Cook_, second Captain; _William Stretton_, chief Lieutenant; _John Rogers_, second Lieutenant; _John Connely_, third Lieutenant; _William Bath_, Owners Agent; _George Milbourn_, Master; _Robert Knowlman_, chief Mate; _Henry Duck_, second; _Simon Hatley_, third; _James Goodall_, fourth; and _William Page_, fifth Mate: With all other inferior Officers much the same as aboard the _Duke_. Most of us, the chief Officers, embrac’d this Trip of Privateering round the World, to retrieve the Losses we had sustain’d by the Enemy. Our Complement of Sailors in both Ships was 333, of which above one Third were Foreigners from most Nations; several of her Majesty’s Subjects on board were Tinkers, Taylors, Hay-makers, Pedlers, Fidlers, _&c._ one Negro, and about ten Boys. With this mix’d Gang we hop’d to be well mann’d, as soon as they had learnt the Use of Arms, and got their Sea-Legs, which we doubted not soon to teach ’em, and bring them to Discipline.