Chapter XXXI is one of the oldest of the Meccan Suras, having been
revealed between the sixth and tenth year of the Prophet's mission. The admonition relates to a man's behaviour to his parents. He is enjoined to treat them with kindness, but not to obey them if they lead him to polytheism.
Here "_Jáhadá_" means "if they two (parents) task or toil thee, or make efforts and endeavour (that thou shouldst associate any god with God)," and none of the translators and commentators take the word to mean the making of war or hostilities or fighting.
[Sidenote: (2) Furkan, XXV, 53, 54.]
14. "Moreover had We pleasured We had certainly raised up a warner in every city."
"Do not then obey the unbelievers, but by means of this (_Jáhid_) exert with them with a (_Jihadan kabirá_) strenuous exertion (or labour with great labour)."
This evidently relates to the Koran, or the warning mentioned in the preceding verse, and it is wrong to translate "_Jihád_" as meaning to fight strenuously with them, or as inciting to strenuous fighting as translated by Henry Palmer (Vol. II, p. 88). Mr. Sale and the Rev. Mr. Rodwell do not translate it fighting, and so Mohammadan commentators. Fakhr-ud-din Razi (died 606 A.H.), the Imam, in his great commentary says:
"Some say _Jáhid hoom bihí Jihádán Kabirá_ means to make efforts in preaching, but some say it meant fighting, and others say it meant both; but the former is nearer the truth, as the chapter was revealed at Mecca, and the command for fighting was issued after the Flight, some time afterwards" (Vol. VI, p. 490).
[Sidenote: (3) The Pilgrimage,[329] XXII, 76, 78.]
15. "Believers! bow down with worship your Lord and work righteousness, haply ye may prosper."
"And ('_Jáhidoo_') make efforts in God, as (_Jihádehi_) your making efforts is His due, He hath elected you, and hath not laid on you any hardship in religion, the Faith of your father Abraham. He hath named you the Muslims."
Messrs. Sale and Palmer translate the word here as meaning fighting, which is wrong, as it is unclassical and not literal. Rodwell translates it "do valiantly," and Sir William Muir says it is used in the more general sense (Vol. III, p. 32).
This verse is a brief and concise version of the great maxim in Deut. VI. 5; Mark XII. 30; and Luke X. 27,--
"Thou shalt love thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind, and with all thy strength."
See also Luke XIII. 24: "Strive to enter in at the straight gate."
[Sidenote: (4) The Bee, XVI, 108, 111.]
16. "Whoso after he hath believed in God denieth Him if he were forced to it, and if his heart remain steadfast in the faith, shall be guiltless; but whoso openeth his heart to infidelity--on them, in that case, shall be wrath from God, and a severe punishment awaiteth them."
"To those also who after their trials fled their country, then (_Jáhadoo_) toiled and endured with patience. Verily, thy Lord will afterwards be forgiving, gracious."
Dr. Sprenger (Life of Mohammad, p. 159) explains this verse of the seven slaves purchased and manumitted by Abu Bekr. They had been tortured for professing Islam, shortly after Mohammad assumed the prophetic office. The flight referred to in verse 111th is the early Abyssinian flight. These verses relate to the persecutions endured by humble and needy Moslems from their townspeople of Mecca. These Moslems, after being persecuted and forced as far as denying God, while their remaining steadfast in the faith, had to flee elsewhere, and then suffered much in their wanderings; but they endured their labours and fatigues, losses, disadvantages both in body and mind, patiently. There is no allusion to fighting or waging war. The Rev. Mr. Rodwell and Mr. Palmer are both wrong in translating '_Jáhadoo_' as fighting. Sale is right in not translating it as fighting, but he is too paraphrastic when he translates, "and who have since fought _in defence of the true religion_," as their "Jihád" was only their great exertion and toil in suffering from persecutions.
[Sidenote: (5) The Spider, XXIX, 5.]
17. "And whoso ('_Jáhada_') labours ('_Yojáhido_') toils for his own good only. Verily God is independent of all the worlds."
Mr. Palmer is wrong in making _Jáhada_ and _Yojáhido_ to mean fighting strenuously. Mr. Sale and the Rev. W. Rodwell are right in translating by "striveth" and "efforts" respectively, and so is Sir W. Muir in taking it into, what he styles, the general sense of the verse (The Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, p. 32).
[Sidenote: (6) The Spider, XXIX, 7.]
18. "Moreover We have enjoined on man to show kindness to parents, but if they (_Jáhadá_) strive with thee in order that thou join that with Me of which thou hast no knowledge, then obey them not. To Me do ye return, and I will tell you of your doings."
None of the commentators take the word _Jâhadâ_ in this passage to mean fighting or crusade, and it is difficult, therefore, to understand why the word should have been distorted from its proper literal and classical meaning in other places of the same book.
[Sidenote: (7) The Spider, XXIX, 69.]
19. "And those who (_Jâhadoo_) made efforts for Us, in our path will we surely guide; for verily God is with those who do righteous deeds."
Mr. Palmer translates the word here as meaning "fought," contrary to Mr. Sale, the Rev. Mr. Rodwell, and Sir William Muir, who translate it "endeavour," "effort," and "strive." The conventional term Jihád, meaning crusade or warfare, was not in use in the time of the revelation of the Koran.
[Sidenote: (8) The Bee, XVI, 40.]
20. "And they swear by God with their (_Jahd_) utmost oaths that 'God will never raise him who once is dead.' Nay; but on Him is a promise binding though most men know it not."
Sale renders the word "most solemnly;" Rodwell, "most sacred oath;" Palmer, "most strenuous oath."
[Sidenote: (9) Creator, XXXV, 40.]
21. "They swore by God with their (_Jahd_) utmost oath that should a preacher come to them they would yield to guidance more than any people: but when the preacher came to them, it only increased in them their estrangement."
Sale's rendering is "most solemn oath," Rodwell's, "mightiest oath," and Palmer's, "most strenuous oath."
II.--THE MEDINITE SURAS.
[Sidenote: (10) The Cow or Heifer, II, 215.]
22. "But they who believe, and who fly their country, and (_Jahadoo_) exert their utmost in the way of God, may hope for God's mercy, and God is Gracious and Merciful."
Mr. Sale and the Rev. Mr. Rodwell translate _Jahadoo_ as those who _fight_, and Mr. Palmer as those who _wage war_; but there is no reason to change the proper meaning of the word. Sir William Muir translates the verse thus:--
"But they that believe and they who emigrate for the sake of their faith and strive earnestly in the way of God, let them hope in the mercy of God, for God is forgiving, merciful."[330]
In a footnote he says:--"The word Jihâd is the same as that subsequently used for a religious war; but it had not yet probably acquired its fixed application. It was employed in its _general_ sense before the Hejira, and probably up to the battle of Badr."[331] I have only to add that the word never acquired its fixed application during the lifetime of the Prophet, nor is it used as such in any chapter of the Koran either before or after the Hejira.
The connection of flight mentioned in the verse as put together with Jihád, shows that it means the labour, toil, and distress which befel the fugitives in leaving their families unprotected in the hands of their persecutors on their expulsion from their country.
[Sidenote: (11) A'l Amràn, III, 136.]
23. "Do ye think that ye could enter Paradise without God taking knowledge of those among you who (_Jáhadoo_) have toiled and of those who steadfastly endured."
The Rev. Mr. Rodwell translates _Jáhadoo_, "did valiantly," and does not agree with Sale and Palmer, who translate it, "fought strenuously," or "fought well."
By the connection of enduring patiently, the word _Jáhadoo_ probably means those who toiled and suffered in their exile from Mecca.
[Sidenote: (12) The Spoils, VIII, 73.]
24. "Verily, they who believe and have fled their homes and (_Jáhadoo_) toiled with their substance and themselves in the way of God, and they who have taken in and have helped, shall be near of kin the one to the other. And they who have believed, but have not fled their homes, shall have no rights of kindred with you at all, _until_ they too fly their country. Yet if they seek aid from you, on account of the faith, your part is to give them aid, except against a people between whom and yourself there may be a treaty. And God beholdeth your actions."
Sale renders the word _Jihád_ (or _Jáhadoo_) in this passage as meaning "employed their substance and their persons in fighting." Rodwell ... "Spent their substance and themselves." Palmer ... "Fought strenuously with their wealth and person."
As the word _Jihád_ has been applied here to both one's-self and his substance or wealth, it cannot mean "fighting," even if taken in the technical signification.
[Sidenote: (13) The Spoil, VIII, 75.]
25. "But as for those who have believed and fled their country and (_Jáhadoo_) took pains in the way of God, and have been a refuge or help, these are the faithful, mercy is their due and a noble provision."
Sale ... "Fought." Rodwell ... "Fought." Palmer ... "Fought strenuously."
There is nothing in this passage to warrant a departure from the literal and proper signification of the word _Jáhadoo_, and using it in a post-Koranic sense.
[Sidenote: (14) The Spoil, VIII, 76.]
26. "And they who have believed and have since fled their country, (_Jáhadoo_) toiled with you, these also are of you. Those who are united by the ties of blood are the nearest of kin to each other. This is in the Book of God. Verily God knoweth all things."
Sale ... "Fought." Rodwell ... "Fought." Palmer ... "Fought strenuously."
There is no valid excuse here for changing the signification of the word _Jáhadoo_ into that which is never used in the Koran or in the classical Arabic.
[Sidenote: (15) The Cattle, VI, 109.]
27. "With their (_Jahd_) most binding oath have they sworn by God...."
Sale ... "Most solemn oath." Rodwell ... "Most binding oath." Palmer ... "Most strenuous oath."
[Sidenote: (16) Mohammad, XLVII, 33]
28. "And We will surely test you until We know (_Mojáhideena_) who did their utmost, and who were the steadfast among you; and We will test the reports."
Sale ... "Who fight valiantly." Rodwell ... "Valiant." Palmer ... "Fought valiantly."
"_Mojáhid_" is not synonymous with "_Mokátil_"
[Sidenote: (17) Battle Array, LXI, 11.]
29. "Believe in God and His Apostle and (_Jáhidoo_) do strive in the way of God with your wealth and your persons!"
Sale ... "Who fought valiantly." Rodwell ... "Who fought valiantly." Palmer ... "Fight strenuously."
Devotion or worship has been divided into two kinds,--bodily, which also includes mental; and pecuniary or monetary, and the believers are exhorted here to worship God both bodily and mentally.
[Sidenote: (18) Women, IV, 97.]
30. "Those believers who sit at home free from trouble and those who (1, _Mojáhidoona_) toil in the way of God with their substance and their persons shall not be treated alike. God has assigned to those who (2, _Majáhadoona_) strive with their persons and with their substance a rank above those who sit at home. Goodly promises hath He made to all; but God hath assigned to those (3, _Mojáhadína_) who make efforts a rich recompense above those who sit at home."
Sale: _1st_ ... "Those who employ their fortune and their substance for the religion of God."
_2nd_ ... "Those who employ their fortune and their substance."
_3rd_ ... "Those who fight."
Rodwell: _1st_ ... "Those who fight valiantly."
_2nd_ ... "Contend earnestly."
_3rd_ ... "Strenuous."
Palmer: _1st_ ... "Strenuous."
_2nd_ ... "Strenuous."
_3rd_ ... "Strenuous."
I have already explained the two sorts of worship or service of God--bodily and mental. The same applies here too.
[Sidenote: (19) Light, XXIV, 52.]
31. "And they swore by God with their utmost oath...."
Sale ... "Most solemn oath."
Rodwell ... "Most solemn oath."
Palmer ... "Most strenuous oath."
[Sidenote: (20) The Forbidding, LXVI, 9.]
32. "O Prophet, (_Jáhid_) do thy utmost with the unbelievers and hypocrites, and be strict towards them."
Sale ... "Attack the infidels with arms and the hypocrites with arguments."
Rodwell ... "Make war."
Palmer ... "Fight strenuously."
[Sidenote: (21) The Immunity, IX, 74.]
33. The same verse, word for word.
Sale ... "Wage war."
Rodwell ... "Contend against."
Palmer ... "Strive strenuously."
The word _Jáhid_ is the same in both the passages, yet the translators differ in their interpretation of it. As there had been no war against the hypocrites, the word cannot be held to bear the construction they put on it, even if we deprived it of its proper signification. In one place Sale takes _Jáhid_ to mean "attacking with arms," and in another he takes it in the sense of attacking with arguments.
There is no signification of "attacking" in _Jihád_, but only that of "exerting," and the verse simply means, "exert thyself in preaching to, and remonstrating with, the unbelievers and hypocrites, and also be strict towards them,"--_i.e._, not to be smooth with them, nor to be beguiled by them.[332]
[Sidenote: (22) The tried, LXI.]
34. "O Ye believers! take not my foe and your foe for friends: ye show them kindness although they believe not that truth which hath come to you: they drive forth the Apostle and yourself because ye believe in God your Lord! If ye have come forth[333] (_Jihádan_) labouring in my cause, and from a desire to please Me, ye show them kindness in private, then I well know what ye conceal and what ye discover! And whoso of you doth this hath verily, therefore, gone astray from the even way."
Sale translates _Jihádan_ as meaning "to fight in the defence of my religion." Rodwell ... "To fight on my path." Palmer ... "Fighting strenuously."
The translators quoted above say that Hátib had informed the Meccans of an intended surprise of Mecca on the part of Mohammad with the view of making terms for his own family, which had been left there. On this occasion the passage was revealed. This shows that the campaign of Mecca is termed _Jihád_. But Sir William Muir does not agree with them. He says in a footnote:--"The opening verses of the sixtieth Sura are said to refer to Hâtib; but they appear to have a general bearing against too great intimacy with the Coreish during the truce and to be, therefore, of a prior date."[334]
35. Hátib's story. The story regarding Hátib's revelation of the intended attack upon Mecca by Mohammad, is not supported by authentic and trustworthy traditions. The authentic tradition of Bokhari[335] only states that the occasion of the verse being revealed was in the case of Hátib, but does not say that it was during the campaign of Mecca, nor that the information contained anything about the intended campaign. The authentic tradition only says that the report contained information regarding some of the affairs of the Prophet.
Besides this, it is wrong to translate _in kun tum kharajtum Jihadan fi Sabili_, as "if ye go forth to fight in defence of my religion," or "if ye go forth to fight on my path," or "if ye go forth fighting strenuously in my cause." It simply means, "if you have come out striving in my cause," and the sentence is a complement or correlative of the verse, meaning, if you have come out of Mecca, striving, or to strive, in my cause, suffering from exile and undergoing the afflictions and distresses of living homeless, leaving your family and property unprotected, and all these pains (_Jihád_) you have taken to please me, then you should not make friends with my foes and your foes, who do not believe in the truth which has come to you, and have driven out the Prophet and yourselves (from Mecca, your home) only for the reason that you believe in God your Lord.
[Sidenote: (23) The Apartment, XLIX, 15.]
36. "The true believers are those only who believe in God and his Apostle and afterwards doubt not; and who (_Jáhadoo_) strive with their substance and their persons on the path of God. These are the sincere."
Sale here translates _Jáhadoo_ those "who employ their substance and their persons in the defence of God's true religions."
Rodwell ... "Contend with their substance and their persons."
Palmer ... "Fight strenuously with their wealth and persons."
See my observations under No. 17, para. 28.
[Sidenote: (24) The Immunity, IX, 16.]
37. "Think not that ye shall be forsaken and that God doth not yet know those among you who (_Jáhadoo_) do their utmost and take none for their intimate friends besides God and His Apostles and the faithful. But God is well apprised of your doings."
Sale ... "Fought for his religion."
Rodwell ... "Fought valiantly."
Palmer ... "Fought strenuously."
[Sidenote: (25) _Ibid_, 19.]
38. "Do ye place the giving drink to the pilgrims and the visitation of the sacred temple on the same level with him who believeth in God and the last day, and (_Jáhada_) taketh pains in the way of God. They are not held equal by God, and God guideth not the unrighteous."
Sale ... "Fighteth."
Rodwell ... "Fighteth."
Palmer ... "Is strenuous."
[Sidenote: (26) The Immunity, IX, 20.]
39. "They who have believed and fled their homes and (_Jáhadoo_) toiled with their substance and with their persons on the path of God are of the highest degree with God, and these are they who shall enjoy felicity!"
Sale ... "Employ their substance and their persons in the defence of God's true religion."
Rodwell ... "And striven with their substance and with their persons in the path of God."
Palmer ... "Been strenuous in the way of God with their wealth and their persons."
[Sidenote: (27) _Ibid_, 24.]
40. "Say, if your father and your sons and your brethren and your wives, and your kindred and wealth which ye have gained, and merchandise which ye fear may be unsold, and dwellings wherein ye may delight be dearer to you than God and His Apostle and (_Jihádan_) toiling in My cause, then wait until God shall Himself enter on His work; God guideth not the impious."
Sale ... "Advancement of his religion."
Rodwell ... "Efforts on his path."
Palmer ... "Fighting strenuously."
[Sidenote: (28) _Ibid_, 41.]
41. "March ye forth light and heavy and (_Jáhidoo_) toil with your substance and persons on the way of God. This, if ye knew it, will be best for you."
Sale ... "Employ your substance and your persons for the advancement of God's true religion."
Rodwell ... "Contend with your...."
Palmer ... "Fight strenuously with your wealth and persons."
[Sidenote: (29) The Immunity, IX, 44.]
42. "They who believe in God and in the last day will not ask leave to be exempt from (_Yojáhadoo_) toiling with their substance and their persons. But God knoweth them that fear Him."
Sale ... "Employ their substance and their persons for the advancement of God's true religion."
Rodwell ... "Contending with their substance and persons."
Palmer ... "Fighting strenuously."
[Sidenote: (30) _Ibid_, 82.]
43. "They who were left in their homes were delighted behind God's Apostle and were averse from (_Yojáhidoo_) exerting with their riches and their persons for the cause of God, and said, 'March not out in the heat.' Say, a fiercer heat will be the fire of hell! Would that they understood this."
Sale ... "Employ their substance and their persons for the advancement of God's true religion."
Rodwell ... "Contending with their riches and their persons."
Palmer ... "Fighting strenuously with their wealth and their person."
[Sidenote: (31) _Ibid_, 87.]
44. "Moreover when a Sura was sent down with 'Believe in God, and (_Jáhidoo_) toil in company with his Apostle,' those of them who are possessed of riches demanded exemption, and said, 'Allow us to be with those who sit _at home_.'"
Sale ... "Go forth to war."
Rodwell ... "Contend."
Palmer ... "Fight strenuously."
[Sidenote: (32) The Immunity, IX, 89.]
45. "But the Apostle, and those who share his faith (_Jáhadoo_) exerted with their substance and their persons, and these ! good things await them and these are they who shall be happy."
Sale ... "Expose their fortune and their lives."
Rodwell ... "Contend with purse and person."
Palmer ... "Are strenuous with their wealth and with their persons."
[Sidenote: (33) The Table, V, 39.]
46. "O ye who believe! fear God and desire union with Him and (_Jáhidoo_) toil on His path. It may be that you will obtain happiness."
Sale ... "Fight."
Rodwell ... "Contend earnestly."
Palmer ... "Be strenuous."
[Sidenote: (34) _Ibid_, 58.]
47. "And the faithful will say, 'Are these they who swore by God their (_Jahda_) utmost oath that they were surely on your side?' Vain their works; and they themselves shall come to ruin."
Sale ... "Most firm."
Rodwell ... "Most solemn."
Palmer ... "Most strenuous."
[Sidenote: (35) _Ibid_, 59.]
48. "O ye who believe! should any of you desert his religion, God will then raise up a people whom He loveth, and who love Him, lowly towards the faithful, lofty to the unbelievers (_Yojáhidoona_) striving in the path of God, and not fearing the blame of the blamer. This is the Grace of God; on whom He will He bestoweth it, and God is all-embracing, Omniscient!"
Sale ... "They shall fight for the religion of God."
Rodwell ... "For the cause of God will they contend."
Palmer ... "Strenuous in the way of God."
[Sidenote: _Jihád_ does not mean the waging of war.]
49. These are all the verses of the Koran which contain the word "_Jahd_" or "_Jihád_," or any derivations from them. I believe that I have clearly shown by means of a careful comparison between the translators and commentators and the original passages in the Koran, that the word _Jahd_ or _Jihád_ in the classical Arabic and as used in the Koran does not mean waging war or fighting, but only to do one's utmost and to exert, labour or toil. The meaning which has come to be ascribed to the word is undoubtedly a conventional one, and is one that has been applied to it at a period much less recent than the revelation of the various chapters of the Koran.
[Sidenote: _Katal_ and _Kitál_.]
50. I do not mean to contend that the Koran does not contain injunctions to fight or wage war. There are many verses enjoining the Prophet's followers to prosecute a defensive war, but not one of aggression. The words "_katal_" and "_kitál_" distinctly indicate this.
[Sidenote: Conclusion.]
51. I have already analysed all the verses containing these words (_katal_ and _kitál_) in this book. What I have aimed at in the Appendix is to show that those authors and translators who cite certain verses of the Koran containing the word _Jahd_ or _Jihád_ and its derivations in support of their assertion, and that the Mohammadan religion sanctions the waging of war and the shedding of blood, are altogether in the wrong.
[Footnote 322: The Siháh of Jouhari (who died 397 or 398), the Asás of Zamakhshire (born 467, died 538 A.H.), Lisanul-Arab of Ibn Mokarram (born 630, died 711), and Kamoos of Fyrozabadee (born 729, died 816), _vide_ Lane's Arabic-English Lexicon, Book I, Part II, page 473.] [Footnote 323: The Misbáh by Fayoomee (finished 734 A.H.), _vide_ Lane's Arabic-English Lexicon, Book I, Part II, page 473.]
[Footnote 324: Siháh, Asás, Ibnel Atheer Jezree, author of Nihayeh (died 606), the Mughrib of Almotarrazi (born 536, died 610), the Misbáh and Kámoos, _vide_ Lane, _ibid_, page 474.]
[Footnote 325: _Vide_ Rodwell's Translation of the Koran _in loco_.]
[Footnote 326: _Vide_ Lane's Arabic-English Lexicon _in loco_.]
[Footnote 327: The Assemblies of Al Hariri, translated from the Arabic by Thomas Chenry, M.A., Vol. I, Introduction, p. 67. William and Norgate, 1867.]
[Footnote 328: In the treaty of Medina, which was made as early as the second year of the Hejira, the word Jihád is used, regarding which Sir W. Muir says:--"This word came subsequently to have exclusively the technical signification of Jihád or _crusade_ or _fighting_ for the Faith. If we give it this signification here, it would involve the clause in the suspicion of being a later addition; for as yet we have no distinct development of the intention of Mahomet to impose his religion on others by force: it would have been dangerous, in the present state of parties, to advance this principle. The word is sometimes used in the more general sense in the Coran; Sura XXIX, 5, 69; XX, 77, and a few other places."--Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, p. 32. Again he says with reference to Sura II, v. 215, which also contains the same word: "The word (_Jihád_) is the same as that subsequently used for a religious war, but it had not yet probably acquired its fixed application. It was applied in its _general_ sense before the Hejira, and probably up to the battle of Badr."--_Ibid_, p. 74, footnote.]
[Footnote 329: This Sura is generally said to have been revealed at Mecca, but this is probably only the case as regards verses 1, 24, 43, 56, 60, 65, 67, 75. Mr. Muir places it at the close of the Meccan Suras of the fifth period. See Nold, p. 158; Rev. Rodwell, p. 500.]
[Footnote 330: _Vide_ Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, 74.]
[Footnote 331: _Ibid, footnote._]
[Footnote 332: _Vide_ Sura LXXII, 9; XVII, 69.]
[Footnote 333: _i.e._, from Mecca when driven out of it by the Meccans in your persecution.]
[Footnote 334: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, p. 114.]
[Footnote 335: _Kitabul Jihád_, _Magházi_ and _Tafseer_.]
APPENDIX B.
SLAVERY AND CONCUBINE-SLAVES AS CONCOMITANT EVILS OF WAR.
[Sidenote: Slavery and concubinage not allowed by the Koran.]
1. It is a false accusation against the Koran, that it allows enslavement of the captives of war, and sanctions female captives to the conquerors' embrace, or, in other words, female captives are made concubines on the field of battle. There is not a single sentence in the Koran allowing either of the above allegations. Sir W. Muir, in his "Life of Mahomet," could neither quote any verse of the Koran sanctioning the enslavement of the captives of war or servile concubinage, nor was he able to relate any instance of them during the several battles described therein. Yet, in a recent work,[336] he refers boldly, but vaguely, to the Koran; and regarding the battle of Walaja fought by Khálid against the Persians in A.H. 12 writes, after quoting Khálid's oration on gaining the victory:--
"Now, also, the cunning device of the Corân, with respect to the other sex, began to tell. Persian ladies, both maids and matrons, 'taken captive by the right hand,' were forthwith, without stint of number, lawful to the conquerors' embrace; and, in the enjoyment of this privilege, they were nothing loth to execute upon the heathen 'the judgment written.'"
I do not understand why, if such was the case, Khálid did not refer the believers to the so-called "cunning device" of the Koran? By referring to this imaginary device of the Koran to the lawfulness of female captives "to the conquerors' embrace," he might have struck a chord, at which every Bedouin heart would have leapt with joy, instead of referring, as he did, merely to the riches of the land and fair fields. In fact there is no such inducement in the Koran.
[Sidenote: Measures taken by the Koran to abolish slavery.]
2. Slaves are mentioned in the Koran _defacto_, but not _dejure_. The Koran took several measures to abolish future slavery. Its steps for its abolition were taken in every moral, legal, religious, and political departments. The liberation of slaves was morally declared to be a work of piety and righteousness--(Sura XC, 13; II, 172).[337] Legally the slaves were to be emancipated on their agreeing to pay a ransom--(Sura XXIV, 33).[338] They were to be set at liberty as a penalty for culpable homicide--(Sura IV, 94);[339] or in expiation for using an objectionable form of divorce--(Sura LVIII, 4);[340] and also they were to be manumitted from the Public Funds out of the poor-taxes--(Sura IX, 60).[341] They were religiously to be freed in expiation of a false oath taken in mistake--(Sura V, 91).[342] These were the measures for the abolition of existing slavery. The future slavery was abolished by the Koran by putting hammer deep unto its root and by annihilating its real source. The captives of war were, according to the clear injunctions of the Koran contained in the 5th verse of the 47th Sura, to be dismissed either by a free grant or by exacting a ransom. They were neither to be enslaved nor killed.
4. "When ye encounter the unbelievers strike off their heads, till ye have made a great slaughter among them, and of _the rest_ make fast the fetters."
5. "And afterwards let there either be free dismissals or ransoming, till the war hath laid down its burdens. Thus do...."
_Sura_ XLVII.
These verses convey very clearly the decree of the abolition of future slavery, and do not require any further remarks. Moreover they were acted upon accordingly even in the lifetime of the Prophet.
[Sidenote: None of the prisoners of war were enslaved.]
3. None of the prisoners of Badr A.H. 2, of Karkart-al-Kadr A.H. 3, of Katan in Najd A.H. 4, of Zat-al Riqa[343] A.H. 5, of Bani Mustalik A.H. 5, of Koreiza A.H. 5, of Batan Makka A.H. 6,[344] or of Honain (Hawázin) A.H. 8,[345] was enslaved. All, without an exception, were set free either by way of free dismissal, or by exacting ransom (in cash or in exchange of Moslem prisoners) in strict conformity with the dictates of Sura XLVII, 5. There were no prisoners in the battles of Ohad A.H. 3, Ahzab A.H. 5, and Khyber A.H. 7.[346]
[Sidenote: Bani Koreiza not enslaved.]
4. Some will contend regarding the Bani Koreiza that their women and children were made slaves, and as such sold in Najd. Sir W. Muir quotes the judgment of Sád in the case of the Bani Koreiza,--"That the female captives and the children shall be sold into slavery," and that it was approved of by Mohammad. He writes further:--
"A fifth of the booty was, as usual, reserved for the Prophet, and the rest divided. From the fifth Mahomet made certain presents to his friends of female slaves and servants; and then sent the rest of the women and children to be sold among the Bedouin tribes of Najd in exchange for horses and arms."[347]
I have shown in para. 30 of this book (pages 37 and 38) that Mohammad never appreciated the judgment of Sád. And I have further to add that the said judgment, according to true reports, did not contain the illegal verdict of enslaving the women and children of the Bani Koreiza, as this might have gone directly against the Koran and the precedents of the Prophet. In the collections of Bokhari, Book of Campaigns, Chapter on Bani Koreiza, there are two traditions cited on the subject. Both of them quote the words of Sád to the effect that "the women and children be imprisoned." The same is the case in Bokhari's other chapters (Book of _Jihád_, Chapter on the Surrender of Enemy, Book of _Manákib_, Chapter on the Merits of Sád).
It is not a fact that Mohammad made certain presents to his friends of the female slaves out of the captives of Bani Koreiza. The captives were not made slaves, therefore it is wrong to confound captives with slaves. There is no proof to the effect that they were enslaved. The Koran distinctly says that they were prisoners (Sura XXXIII, 26).
In fact, the women and children were not guilty of treason, and deserved no punishment. Sád's judgment must be either wrong regarding them, or applied only to those who were guilty. "One woman alone," according to Sir W. Muir, "was put to death; it was she who threw the millstone from the battlements" (Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, page 277). I conclude, therefore, that all the women and children were released afterwards; some ransomed themselves, others went off with their freedom. But nobody was ever sold in slavery. The assertion of Hishamee, quoted by Sir W. Muir, that the women and children were sent to be sold among the Bedouin tribes of Najd in exchange for horses and arms (Vol. III, page 279), is void of all authority, and is in direct contradiction of what Abul Mo'tamar Soleiman bin Tarkhan (died 143 A.H. and was prior to Hishamee) says, and whose account seems to be more probable. His version is that the horses of Bani Koreiza were sent by Mohammad to Syria and Najd for the purpose of breeding, and that they got big horses. _Vide_ Wákidi Campaigns of Mohammad, page 374, Calcutta, 1855. This shows that only horses, and not women and children, were sent to Najd. The words of Hishamee (page 693) are "_sabáya min sabáya Bani Koreiza_." _Sabáya_, plural of _sabi_, applies to both person and property, as they say _sabal adúvva vaghairohu_, he made captive, captured or took prisoner the enemy, and other than an enemy. (_Vide_ Lane's Arabic Dictionary, page 1303, col. 1.) So probably Hishamee had in view only the horses captured of the Bani Koreiza and sent to Najd, but not the women and children of the captives of Koreiza.
[Sidenote: Rihána.]
5. Rihána, a woman of the captives of Koreiza, is said by Sir W. Muir to have been taken by Mohammad "for his concubine." He always confounds prisoners with slaves, and female captives as well as slaves with concubines. There are several conflicting and contradictory traditions regarding Rihána. Mohammad bin Sád Kátib Wakidi has related various traditions from Omar-bin-al Hakam, Mohammad bin Káb, and from other various sources that Mohammad had married Rihána. The Kátib says "this tradition is held by learned men. But he has also heard some one relating that she was his concubine."[348] But Sir W. Muir chooses the latter uncertain and unauthentic traditions. He writes in a footnote:--
"She is represented as saying, when he offered her marriage and the same privileges as his other wives: 'Nay, O Prophet! But let me remain as thy slave; this will be easier both for me and for thee.'"[349]
Even if this tradition be a genuine one, he is not authorized in his remarks in the text, where he says--
"He invited her to be his wife, but she declined; and chose to remain (as indeed, having refused marriage, she had no alternative) his slave or concubine."
She was neither enslaved, nor made a concubine. It is to be regretted that the writer of the "Life of Mahomet" most absurdly confounds slavery and concubinage.
[Sidenote: Omar, the second Khalif, liberated all the Arab slaves.]
6. During the sovereignty of Omar, the second Khalif, in accordance with the injunctions of Mohammad to abolish slavery, all the existing Arab slaves were set free. It will appear that the wishes of Mohammad to that effect were but partially carried out. In ages that succeeded the death of Mohammad, they were altogether lost sight of, and even Arabs were allowed to be enslaved by the later jurists. Sir W. Muir, in his latest work, entitled "The Annals of the Early Caliphate," says:--
"Yet great numbers of the Arabs themselves were slaves, taken prisoner during the apostasy, or in the previous intertribal warfare, and held in captivity by their fellow-countrymen. Omar felt the inconsistency. It was not fit that any of the noble race should remain in bondage. When, therefore, he succeeded to the Caliphate, he decreed: 'The Lord,' he said, 'hath given to us of Arab blood the victory, and great conquests without. It is not meet that any one of us, taken in the days of Ignorance,[350] or in the wars against the apostate tribes, should be holden in slavery.' All slaves of the Arab descent were accordingly ransomed, excepting only such bondmaids as had borne their masters' children. Men who had lost wives or children now set out in search, if haply they might find and claim them. Strange tales are told of some of the disconsolate journeys. Ashàth recovered two of his wives taken captive in Nojeir. But some of the women who had been carried prisoners to Medîna preferred remaining with their captors."[351]
Even this speech of Omar shows that no one was enslaved during the wars of Mohammad, as he only refers to the captives of the days of Ignorance before the Prophet, and those taken in wars against the apostate tribes after him having been enslaved.
[Sidenote: Concubinage.]
7. The Koran has never allowed concubinage with female captives. And after the abolition of future slavery enjoined in the Koran, there is no good in discussing the subject of concubinage, which depends on the legality or otherwise of slavery. The Koran had taken early measures for preventing the evil directly and indirectly, positively and negatively. In the first place, it recognizes marriage as the only legal condition of the union of both sexes. Marriage was also enjoined with the existing female slaves. (_Vide_ Sura IV, 3, 29; and XXIV, 32, 33.) The prevention of concubinage is set forth in plain terms in Sura V, 7. The verses run thus:--
3. "And if ye are apprehensive that ye shall not deal fairly with orphans, then of _other_ women who seem good in your eyes marry, _but_ two or three or four, and if ye _still_ fear that ye shall not act equitably, then (marry) one only; or (marry) the slaves whom ye have acquired. This will be more proper that ye may not have numerous families or households. And give women their dowry as a free gift; but if of their own free will they kindly give up aught thereof to you, then enjoy it as convenient _and_ profitable."
29. "And whoever of you is not rich enough to marry free-believing women, then let him marry such of your believing maidens as have fallen into your hands as slaves. God well knoweth your faith. Ye are sprung, the one from the other. Marry them then with the leave of their masters, and give them a fair dower; but let them be chaste and free from fornication, and not entertainers of lovers."--Sura IV.
32. "And marry those among you who are single, and your good servants and your handmaidens. If they are poor, God of his bounty will enrich them. And God is all-bounteous, knowing. And let those who cannot find a match live in continence till God of his bounty shall enrich them."
33. "And to those of your slaves who desire a deed of _manumission_, execute it for them, if ye know good in them, and give them a portion of the wealth of God which He hath given you."--Sura XXIV. "And _you are permitted to marry_ virtuous women, who are believers, and virtuous women of those who have been given the Scriptures before you, when you have provided them their portions, living _chastely with them_ without fornication, and not taking concubines."--Sura V.
The 28th verse of the fourth Sura does by no means sanction concubinage. It has nothing to do with it. It only treats of marriage. It, together with its preceding verse, points out whom we can marry and whom not. Its next verse interdicts concubinage when it enjoins marriage with the then existing slaves.
[Sidenote: Maria the Coptic.]
8. I will here take the opportunity of noticing Maria the Coptic, who is alleged to have been a concubine-slave of Mohammad, although she does not come under the category of prisoners made slaves. According to Sir W. Muir, the Roman Governor of Egypt had written to Mohammad:--"I send for thine acceptance two damsels, highly esteemed among the Copts."[352] The writer converts them at once into "two slave-girls," and remarks, "a strange present, however, for a Christian Governor to make."[353] She was neither a captive, nor a slave, nor was she described as such in the Governor's letter. I am at a loss to know why or how she has been treated by the biographers of the Prophet as a slave or a concubine.
(1) I have great doubts regarding the truth of the story that Mokowkas the Governor had sent two maids to Mohammad, and taking it for granted they were so sent, that one of them was the alleged Maria; (2) it is not a fact that she was a slave; (3) nor a concubine-slave of the Prophet; (4) nor she as such bore a son to him; (5) and lastly, the notorious scandal about her much talked of by European writers is a mere calumny and a false story.
It will be a very tedious and irksome task to copy the various traditions bearing on the above subjects and to discuss their authenticity, and criticise their genuineness, on the principles of the technicalities peculiar to the Science of Traditions, as well as on the basis of scientific and rational criticism. Therefore I will notice only briefly each of the above subjects.
[Sidenote: Dispatch to Mokowkas.]
9. (1) That Mohammad had sent a dispatch to Mokowkas, the Roman Governor of Egypt, and that in reply he had sent Maria the Coptic maid, together with other presents, to Mohammad, is not to be found in the traditions collected by the best critics of Mohammadan traditions like Bokhari and Muslim, who had sifted the whole incoherent mass of genuine and apocryphal traditions regarding the Prophet, and had picked up but a very small portion of them which they thought to be relatively genuine. We can fairly conclude that such a tradition, which is related by other non-critics and story-tellers, who have indiscriminately narrated every tradition--whether genuine or apocryphal--like Wákidi and Ibn Sád, was surely rejected by these Imams (Doctors in the Science of Tradition) as having not the least possibility of its genuineness. Even Ibn Ishak (died 150),[354] Hisham-bin-Abdul Malik (died 213 A.H.),[355] and Abul Mo'tamar Soleiman (died 143 A.H.[356])[357] have not inserted the portion of the tradition of Maria the Coptic maid being sent by the Egyptian Governor to Mohammad. The tradition narrated by Ibn Sád--(1) through Wákidi and Abd-ul-Hamíd from Jáfar, (2) and Abdullah bin Abdur Rahmán bin Abi Sásáta--is undoubtedly apocryphal, Wákidi and Abd-ul-Hamíd are of impeached integrity, or no authority at all. Ibn Khallikan, in his Biographical Dictionary, translated by Slane, writes regarding Wákidi:--"The Traditions received from him are considered of feeble authority, and doubts have been expressed on the subject of his (_veracity_.)"[358] Ibn Hajar Askalání writes regarding Wákidi in his _Takrib_, that "he has been struck off as an authority (literally left out), notwithstanding his vast knowledge." Zahabi's opinion of Wákidi in Mizán-al-Etedal is that Ahmed bin Hanbal said "he was the greatest liar." Bokhari and Abú Hátim say he is struck off (or left out as an authority).
Regarding Abd-ul-Hamíd, Zahabi writes that Abu Hátim said he is not quoted as an authority, and Sofián said he was a weak authority.
Jáfar and Abdullah bin Abdur Rahmán bin Abi Sásáta are of the middle period in the Tabaeen's class, and do not quote their authority on the subject.
[Sidenote: Maria neither a slave;]
10. (2) Supposing that the Governor of Egypt had sent two Coptic maids, with other presents, to Mohammad, it does not follow necessarily that they were slave-girls. It is never stated in history that they were captives of war, or, if they were so, that they were enslaved subsequently. There is no authority for a haphazard conjecture that they were slave-girls.
[Sidenote: nor a concubine-slave.]
11. (3) Even if it be admitted that Maria the Coptic was a slave-girl, there is no proof that she was a concubine-slave. It is a stereotyped fabrication of traditionists, and the unpardonable blunder on the part of European writers, that they almost always confound female-slaves, and even sometimes captives, with concubine-slaves. None of the six standard collectors of traditions--Imams Bokhari (died 256 A.H.), Muslim (died 261 A.H.), Aboo Daood (died 275 A.H.), Tirmizee (died 279 A.H.), Nasáee (died 303 A.H.), and Ibn Mája (died 273 A.H.)--has narrated that Maria the Coptic was a concubine-slave of the Prophet. Even the early biographers--Ibn Ishak (died 150 A.H.) and Ibn Hisham (died 213 A.H.) have not made any mention to this effect. It is only Mohammad bin Sád, the Secretary to Wákidi, who narrates the tradition,--firstly through Wákidi, Abd-ul-Hamíd, and Jáfar, and secondly through Wákidi, Yakoob bin Mohammad, and Abdullah bin Abdur Rahmán bin Abi Sásáta. These both ascriptions are apocryphal. I have already quoted my authorities against Wákidi and Abd-ul-Hamíd. Yakoob bin Mohammad has been impeached by Abu Zaraá, a critic in the Science of Traditions.[359] Jáfar and Abdullah both flourished after the first century. Their evidence to the supposed fact about a century ago is inadmissible.
In the Biographical Dictionaries of the contemporaries of the Prophet, there are three persons named Maria.[360] One is said to have been a housemaid of the Prophet; the second was a housemaid whose _kunniat_ (patronymic) is given as Omm Rabab (mother of Rabab). The third is called Maria the Coptic. It appears there was only one Maria; she may have been a female servant in the household of the Prophet. The narrators have, by citing different circumstances regarding them, made them three different persons, and one of them a concubine-slave, as they could not think a house or family complete without a slave-girl or a concubine-slave. The biographers often commit such blunders. In giving different anecdotes of really the same persons, they make as many persons as they have anecdotes. That anyone of the Marias was a concubine-slave is a mere conjecture, or a stereotyped form of traditional confusion in mixing up maidservants with slaves or concubine-slaves.
[Sidenote: Maria had no son.]
12. (4) Those who have converted Maria into a slave or a concubine-slave have furnished her--the creature of their own imagination--with a son. There are various traditions as to the number and names of the Prophet's sons, all of whom died in infancy. Some traditions give different names to one, and others give as many sons as the names are reported. There might have been a son of Mohammad by the name of Ibrahim, but that he was born of Maria the Coptic is a perfect myth. This piece of the story is the continuation of the traditions of Ibn Sád, which I have already criticized in paras. 9 and 11. Ibn Sád has related another tradition through Omar bin Asim and Katáda to the effect that Mohammad's son Ibrahim was born of a captive woman. Asim has been condemned by Abu Hatim, a doctor and critic in the Mohammadan traditional literature;[361] and Katáda (died 117 A.H.) was not a contemporary witness of what he relates. Thus he fails in giving any authority to his narration. There are two more traditions in Ibn Sád from similar authorities like Katáda, namely, Zohri (died 124 A.H.) and Mak-hool (died 118 A.H.)--not contemporaries of Mohammad, but of the class of Tabaeen--to the effect that Mohammad had said, "Had Ibrahim lived, the capitation-tax would have been remitted to every Copt!" and that "Had Ibrahim lived, his maternal uncles would never have been enslaved!" They do not say who was Ibrahim!
Another and the last tradition in Ibn Sád through Yahia bin Hammád, Abu Avána, Soleiman-al-Aamash, Muslim, and Bara is to the effect that Ibrahim was born from a Coptic maid of the Prophet. The narrator Soleiman-al-Aamash was a _modallis_ (_Takrib_ in loco), or in other words, a liar. Besides the whole chain of the narration is _Mo-an-an_.
In none of the canonical collections of traditions like those of Bokhari, Muslim, and others Ibrahim is said to have been born of Maria. Therefore any of their traditions regarding Ibrahim is not against us.
It is also related in some genuine traditions that an eclipse of the sun took place on the day of Ibrahim's death.[362] The historians have related only one eclipse, which occurred in the sixth year of the Hejira, when Mohammad was at Hodeibia. This shows that Ibrahim could not be Maria's son. She only could come to Arabia a year later, as the dispatches to several princes were sent only in the seventh year. Yáfaee, in his history _Mirát-uz-Zamán_, has noted that the sun was eclipsed in the sixth year of the Hejira. In the tenth year, he says,--"A genuine tradition has that the sun was eclipsed on the day of Ibrahim's death, and it has been stated above that it was eclipsed in the sixth year. There is some difficulty. It was noted once only during the time of the Prophet. If it occurred twice, there is no difficulty; and if not, one of these two events must be wrong, either the eclipse took place in the tenth year, or the Prophet's son died in the sixth year." But historically the eclipse was noticed only in the sixth year. There are different dates of Ibrahim's death reported by the biographers--the fourth, tenth, and fourteenth of lunar months, but in none of them can an eclipse take place.
[Sidenote: The story of Haphsa and Maria a spurious one.]
13. (5) Lastly, I have to notice the infamous calumny against Mohammad concocted up by his enemies, that Haphsa surprized the Prophet in her own private room with Maria. "She reproached her lord bitterly, and threatened to make the occurrence known to all his wives. Afraid of the exposure and anxious to appease his offended wife, he begged of her to keep the matter quiet, and promised to forego the society of Maria altogether." But he afterwards released himself from it by a special revelation--(Sura LXVI, 1). Sir W. Muir remarks:--
"As in the case of Zeinab, Mahomet produced a message from Heaven, which disallowed his promise of separation from Mary...."
The passage in the Koran relating to the affair is as follows:--
"O Prophet! Why hast thou forbidden thyself that which God hath made lawful unto thee,[363] out of desire to please thy wives; for God is forgiving and merciful?"[364]
[Sidenote: The affair not noticed in the early biographies.]
14. Now this is perfectly a fictitious story. Neither there was any such affair, nor is there anything on this head mentioned in the Koran. It is very strange that Sir W. Muir has abruptly left aside, in this instance, all his principal authorities, the Arabian biographers, Ibn Ishak, Wákidi (his secretary), and Tabari. The story is not to be found in any of these biographies, nor in the canonical collections of Bokhari, Muslim, and Tirmizee. Sir W. Muir had himself laid down the rule that only these original authorities are to be depended upon, and the later authors are to be rejected. He writes:--
"To the three biographies by Ibn Hishám, by Wackidi his secretary, and Tabari, the judicious historian of Mahomet will, as his original authorities, confine himself. He will also receive with a similar respect such traditions in the general collections of the earliest traditionists--Bokhari, Muslim, Tirmizi, &c.--as may bear upon his subject. But he will reject as _evidence_ all later authors, to whose so-called traditions he will not allow any historical weight whatever."[365]
[Sidenote: Sir W. Muir's authorities not valid.]
15. But in this instance, Sir W. Muir, being anxious to quote his fictitious story to calumniate Mohammad, has ceased to be a judicious historian, and deviates from his self-imposed rule. He does not reject the story as he ought judiciously and conscientiously to have done, as it is not to be found in any of the earliest and original authorities mentioned by him; on the contrary, he compromises himself by condescending to quote from secondary and later authors. He writes in a footnote without quoting his original authority:--
"The version given in the text is accredited by Jelálood-deen, Yahia, Beizawi, and Zamakshari, &c." (Vol. III, page 163.)
These authors were neither biographers nor historians, and are therefore no authorities at all. Zamakshari and Beizawi were commentators in the sixth and seventh centuries respectively. They give two stories, one regarding Maria and another to the effect that the oath or promise of Mohammad had been to the effect that he would not again partake of a species of strong-scented honey disliked by his wives. Jelal-ud-deen Mahalli was a commentator of the ninth century of the Hejira. Yahia is not known among the commentators. He may be one of the latest authors.
The commentators are generally no authority in the matter of traditional literature. "To illustrate allusions in the Coran, they are always ready with a story in point, but unfortunately there are almost always different tales, all equally opposite to the same allusion. The allusion, in fact, was often the father of the story. What was originally, perhaps, a mere conjecture of supposed events that might have given rise to an expression in the Coran, or was a single surmise in explanation of some passage, by degrees assume the garb of fact. The tradition and the facts which it professes to attest thus, no doubt, often rest on no better authority than that of the verse or passage itself."[366]
[Sidenote: The best commentators and traditionists refute the story.]
16. Those commentators who are well versed in the Science of Traditions, as well as doctors in the traditional literature, have rejected the story of Maria as the subject-matter of Sura LXVI, as apocryphal.
Baghvi, the author of _Misbah_ (the text of Mishkat), says that the Sura was revealed on the subject of honey, and not in the case of Maria. The latter story is neither in the _Sahihain_ (Bokhari and Muslim), nor has it been narrated in any authentic way.
Háfiz Ishmael Ibn Kaseeral Qarashi, as quoted by Kustlánee (notes on Bokhari, Vol. VII, page 313), says that the Sura was certainly in the case of honey.
Imam Noávee, in his notes on Muslim, (Vol. I, page 463,) says:--"In fact it was revealed in the case of the honey, and not in the case of Maria."
[Sidenote: The story not accredited by the Koran.]
17. Sir W. Muir himself admits that the earliest biographers do not relate the story, but gives a false excuse for his not following their example. He writes:--
"The biographers pass over the scene in decent silence, and I should gladly have followed their example, if the Coran itself had not accredited the facts, and stamped them with unavoidable notoriety."[367]
The allegation is absurdly false, as everybody can satisfy himself by referring to the Koran, which does not contain the fictitious and spurious story.
[Sidenote: The story when fabricated.]
18. The currency of the story did neither take place during the time of Mohammad, its proper age, nor during the lifetime of the companions. It was fabricated and imposed on some of the _Tabaee_ of weak authority in the second century.[368] There is no doubt that the whole story is a sheer fabrication from beginning to end.
[Sidenote: Zeinab's case.]
19. In conclusion, I will offer a few remarks in passing regarding Sir W. Muir's reference here to Zeinab's case. He writes:--
"The charms of a second Zeinab were by accident discovered too fully before the Prophet's admiring gaze. She was the wife of Zeid, his adopted son and bosom friend; but he was unable to smother the flame she had kindled in his breast, and by _divine_ command she was taken to his bed."[369]
The story is from the beginning to end all untrue. Mohammad knew Zeinab from her infancy, she was his cousin; and he had himself arranged her marriage with Zeid. When Zeid divorced her, she was thirty-five years old, and possibly could have no charms to fascinate even a stranger. Had she been charming or fair to look upon, Zeid should not have separated himself from her. There is no historical authority for this, or for any other version of the story. The Koran, while treating the subject, has not the slightest reference to any of the stories afterwards made out to the effect that Mohammad had been to Zeid's house, and, having accidentally seen the beauty of Zeinab's figure through the half-opened door; or that the wind blew aside the curtain of Zeinab's chamber, and disclosed her in a scanty undress, was smitten by the sight.[370]
[Sidenote: The story a spurious one.]
20. These stories, and I believe a few more varied accounts of the same, like those of the story of Maria the Coptic, were originally mere conjectures of supposed events that might have given rise to an expression in the Koran (Sura XXXIII, verse 37)--if not wilful misrepresentations of story-tellers and enemies of Islam--which the European writers represent in the garb of facts. The words of the Koran which have been the father of the story are:--
"And when thou saidst to him unto whom God had shewn favour, and unto whom thou also hadst shewn favour, 'keep thy wife to thyself, and fear God,' and thou didst hide in thy mind what God would bring to light, and thou didst fear men; but more right it had been to fear God."
This shows Mohammad dissuaded Zeid from divorcing his wife, notwithstanding the great facility of divorce common at that time in Arabia.
Sir W. Muir is not justified in copying these stories from Tabari. They are not related by earliest biographers from any authentic and reliable source. He ought to have rejected them as spurious fabrications under historical criticism, as he rejects other traditions which are on a better footing of truth than these false and maliciously forged stories.
[Sidenote: Sir W. Muir's conjectures not justified.]
21. Sir W. Muir has exceeded the limit he himself had marked out for a judicious historian of Mohammad when he abounds in his wild fancies, and observes--
"Zeid went straightway to Mahomet, and declared his readiness to divorce Zeinab for him. This Mahomet declined: 'Keep thy wife to thyself,' he said, 'and fear God.' _But Zeid could plainly see that these words proceeded from unwilling lips, and that the Prophet had still a longing eye for Zeinab._"[371]
Now this is a mere libellous surmise. He goes on still with his defamatory conjectures, and writes:--
"Still the passion for Zeinab could not be smothered; it continued to burn within the heart of Mahomet, and at last bursting forth, scattered other considerations to the wind."[372]
Mohammad never professed to have received a divine command to marry Zeinab. It was not necessary for him to have done so. The outcry raised by the Pagan Arabs was not because they suspected an intrigue on the Prophet's part to secure a divorce, but because they looked upon an adopted son in the light of a true son, and considered, therefore, the marriage with Zeinab, after her divorce from Zeid, as falling within the prohibited degrees. This adoptive affinity was already abolished in the Koran (Sura XXXIII, 4): "God hath not made your adopted sons as your own sons."
Sir W. Muir gravely mistakes in his remarks when he says:--
"The marriage caused much obloquy, and to save his reputation, Mahomet had the impious effrontery to sanction it by special Revelation from on high, in which the Almighty is represented as formally recording a divine warrant for the union."[373]
He quotes verse 36, Sura XXXIII. But he has himself admitted (Vol. III, page 229 footnote) "that this verse is rather in a recitative style of a past event," and not a divine command to marry Zeinab. The words "we joined thee in marriage unto her" in the verse do not mean a command for marriage. They simply mean that the marriage had taken place. The phrase "we joined thee in marriage unto her" is a mere form of expression. Almost all human actions are attributed to God in the Koran, and whatever occurs in the world by the ordinary course of nature, and by the free agency of men, is referred in the Koran to the immediate agency of God.
[Sidenote: A wrong translation of Sir W. Muir.]
22. In the next verse--"There is no offence chargeable to the Prophet in that which God hath enjoined upon him"--he wrongly translates _Faraza_ as enjoined, and thus conveys an idea of a divine command. _Faraza_ means he made (a thing) lawful or allowable. [See Lane's Arabic Dictionary, Bk. I, Pt. VI, page 2373.] In giving the above meaning Mr. Lane quotes this very verse.[374] Such unions were made lawful not only to Mohammad, but for all the Moslems, and there was nothing partaking of a special prerogative for him. No special sanction is conveyed by these verses. No special revelation from on high was brought forward to secure his own object or to give him an exceptional privilege. It was merely said that no blame attached to the Prophet for doing what was lawful.
The word "_Amr_," translated "command" and "behest," in XXXIII, 37 and 38, by Sir W. Muir and others, in fact means here and in other similar passage (XIX, 21; IV, 50; XI, 76; and VIII, 43, 46),--God's foreknowledge of future contingencies and not a legal command. The same is the case with the word "_Qadr_" in XXXIII, 38, as well as in XV, 60, and LXXIII, 20, which means God's prescience and not a predestinated decree.
[Sidenote: In Zeinab's case no exceptional privilege was secured.]
23. In conclusion, Sir W. Muir remarks:--
"Our only matter of wonder is that the Revelations of Mahomet continued after this to be regarded by his people as inspired communications from the Almighty, when they were so palpably formed to secure his own objects, and pander even to his evil desires. We hear of no doubts or questionings, and we can only attribute the confiding and credulous spirit of his followers to the absolute ascendency of his powerful mind over all who came within its influence."[375]
The verses 37 and 38 of the thirty-third Sura had not in any way "secured the objects of Mohammad, much less pandered to his evil desire." As his marriage with Zeinab had taken place long before they were published, they could not be said to confer any exceptional privilege upon him.
[Sidenote: The false story traced to Mukátil.]
24. The story copied by commentators that Mohammad had accidentally seen Zeinab and admired her is traced to Mukátil,[376] a commentator of the Koran in the second century, who died at Basra 150 A.H. "The doctors (_in traditions_)," writes Ibn Khallikan in his Biographical Dictionary, translated by Slane, "differ in opinion respecting Mukátil: some declare that, as a traditionist, he was worthy of confidence, and others accused him of falsehood."
... Ahmed bin Saiyár says:--
"Mukátil Ibn Suláimán, a native of Balkh, went to Marw, whence he proceeded to Irák. His veracity is suspected; his Traditions should be left aside and declarations should be rejected. Speaking of the divine attributes, he said things which it would be sinful to repeat." Ibráhím Ibn Yákúb-al-Juz-Jáni called Mukátil an audacious liar. Abu Abd ar-Rahmán an Nasái said:--"Liars notorious for forging Traditions and passing them off as coming from the Prophet were four in number: Ibn Abi Yahya, at Medína; Al-Wákidi, at Baghdad; Mukátil Ibn Suláimán, in Khorásán; and Muhammad Ibn Saíd, surnamed _Al-Maslúb_, in Syria." Wakí Ibn al-Jarráh said of Mukátil that he was a confirmed liar. Abu Bakr al-Ajurri said: "I asked Abú Dáwúd Suláimán Ibn al Asháth concerning Mukátil, and he answered:--'All Traditions given by him should be rejected.' According to Omar Ibn al-Ghallás, Mukátil Ibn Suláimán was a liar, and his traditions were to be rejected." "As for Mukátil Ibn Suláimán," said Al-Bukhári, "pass him over in silence." In another place, he says of him: "He is just nothing at all." Yahya Ibn Moín declared that Mukátil's traditions were of no value; and Ahmad Ibn Hanbal said: "As for Mukátil Ibn Suláimán, the author of the Commentary, I should not like to cite anything on his authority." "His Traditions are to be rejected," said Abú Hátim ar-Rázi. According to Zakariya Ibn Yahya as-Sáji, people said of Mukátil Ibn Suláimán, the native of Khorásán, "that he was a liar, and that his traditions should be rejected."[377]
[Sidenote: Ikrama.]
Ikrama (died 107 A.H.), another liar, had only surmised before Mukátil that Mohammad might have admired Zeinab. His words, as related by the traditionists, Abd bin Hamíd and Ibn-al-Munzar, are "as if she had fallen deep in his mind."[378] But Mukátil has converted this hazardous conjecture into a fact.
Abd Allah Ibn al-Harith relates as follows:--
"I went to visit Ali, the son of Abd Alláh Ibu Abbás, and I saw Ikrama tied up at the door of a privy, on which I said: 'Is it thus that you treat your slave?' To which he replied. 'Know that that fellow has told lies of my father.'"[379]
[Sidenote: Mohammad bin Yahya.]
Mohammad bin Yahya bin Habbán[380] (died 121 A.H.) has also given the tradition of Mohammad's admiring Zeinab at Zeid's house, but does not give his authority. He was not a contemporary narrator, therefore his narration is apocryphal and technically _Mursal_.
[Sidenote: Katádá's conjectural interpretation not warranted.]
25. All these silly fables, wild romances, and scandalous conjectures have their origin in Katáda's improper interpretation of these words, "and thou didst hide in thy mind what God would bring to light" (Sura XXXIII, 37). Katáda (died 117 A.H.) conjectured that the Prophet concealed his desire that Zeid should divorce Zeinab. But all other authors[381] have found fault with Katáda in his surmise, which is not supported by any word in the text or by any contemporary evidence. This interpretation of Katáda is contradicted by the very words of Mohammad to Zeid in the same verse: "Keep thy wife to thyself and fear God."
[Sidenote: Other conjectures.]
26. Many have been the conjectures as to what did Mohammad hide in his mind. There is one by Katáda already explained. Another is this, that he knew Zeid would divorce her, but concealing this in his mind, he interdicted Zeid from doing so. A third conjecture is this, that he concealed in his mind that if Zeid, contrary to his (Mohammad's) advice, were to divorce her (Zeinab), he (Mohammad) would marry her. These conjectures are all far-fetched and arbitrary, but it appears more probable that the social inharmony and domestic disturbances between Zeid and Zeinab, and their resolve of separation, were withheld from the public by Mohammad, fearing the scandal it might give rise to among his enemies. This is the only secret referred to in the verse so often cited.
[Footnote 336: _Annals of the Early Caliphate_. By Sir W. Muir, K.C.S.I., LL.D., D.C.L., page 75, London, 1883.]
[Footnote 337: "It is to ransom the captive."--XC, 13.
"There is no piety in turning your faces towards the east or the west, but he is pious who believeth in God and the Last Day, and the Angels and the Scriptures and the Prophets; who for the love of God disburseth his wealth to his kindred and to the orphans and the needy, and the wayfarer and those who ask; and for ransoming," &c.--II, 172.]
[Footnote 338: "And to those of your slaves who desire a deed of _manumission_, execute it for them, if ye know good in them, and give them a portion of the wealth of God which He hath given you. Force not your female slaves into sin, in order that ye may gain he casual fruitions of this world, if they wish to preserve their modesty. Yet if any one compel them, then verily, after their compulsion, will God be Forgiving, Merciful."--XXIV, 33.]
[Footnote 339: "A believer killeth not a believer but by mischance: and whoso killeth a believer by mischance shall be bound to free a believer from slavery," &c.--IV, 94.]
[Footnote 340: "And those who _thus_ put away their wives, and afterwards would recall their words, must free a captive before they can come together _again_," &c.--LVIII, 4.]
[Footnote 341: "But alms are only _to be given_ to the poor and the needy, and those who collect them, and to those whose hearts are won _to Islam_, and for ransoming and for debtors, and for the cause of God, and the wayfarer," &c.--IX, 60.]
[Footnote 342: "God will not punish you for a mistaken word in your oaths; but He will punish you in regard to an oath taken seriously. Its expiation shall be to feed ten poor persons with such middling _food_ as ye feed your families with, or to clothe them; or to set free a captive: but he who cannot find the means shall fast three days. This is the expiation of your oaths when ye have sworn. Keep then your oaths. Thus God maketh his signs clear to you. Haply ye will be thankful."--V, 91.]
[Footnote 343: _Vide_ Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, page 223.]
[Footnote 344: According to Hishámi, p. 745, a party of fifty or forty Koreish went round about Mohammad's camp at Hodeibia, seeking to cut off any stray followers; and having attacked the camp itself with stones and arrows, they were caught and taken to Mohammad, who pardoned and released them.--_Vide_ Muir's Life of Mahomet, IV, p. 31, _f.n._; and Moslim's collection of genuine traditions _Kitab-ul Jihad vas-Siyar_, chapter on _Tanfeel_ and _Ransom_.]
[Footnote 345: All the prisoners of Hawázin at Honain were released without taking any ransom and were not made slaves. See Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, pp. 148-149. That Mohammad had presented three female slaves to Ali, Othman, and Omar from the captives of Bard Hawázin, as stated by Sir W. Muir, Vol. IV, p. 149, is void of all truth. The captives were not enslaved. They were mere prisoners, as Sir W. Muir himself calls them so (_ibid_, pp. 148-149); yet he styles these three of them "female slaves." The captives together with the captured camp were removed to the valley of Jierána, pending negotiations (_ibid_, p. 142). At the end of the negotiations the prisoners were released. Thus there could be no distribution of prisoners to anyone.]
[Footnote 346: Sir W. Muir writes:--"Hishámee says that from the time of Kheibar _slaves_ became very plentiful among the Moslems, p. 333. I do not find that, excepting the family of Kinâna, any mention is made of slaves taken at Kheibar. But money, which the victors obtained plentifully at Kheibar, could purchase them cheaply in any part of Arabia." (The Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, pp. 73-74, and _footnote_.) But the word originally used by Hishamee, "_sabaya_," means captives and property captured, and not slaves, though captives, if not ransomed, were used to be made slaves under the Arab International Law. Besides this even the family of Kinána was never enslaved. Kinána was taken captive and executed, because he had killed Mahamúd bin Muslama. _Vide_ para. 75 of this book. The story that Mohammad immediately on Kinána's execution sent for her and cast his mantle over her, signifying that she was to be his own, and consummated his marriage with her, and that her dower was her freedom (_vide_ Muir, _ibid_, pp. 68-69), is not genuine and authentic. His family, by which is meant Sofia and her cousin, was not enslaved, and there is no tradition, genuine or apocryphal, to corroborate it. I here take the opportunity of quoting a speech ascribed to Mohammad while addressing Sofia, the widow of Kinána, copied by Abul Mo'tamar Soleiman (died A.H. 143) in his "Campaigns of Mohammad." Mohammad addressed her thus:--"I give thee choice either of Islam, or of Judaism. If thou acceptest Islam, perhaps I may keep thee for myself. But if thou preferest Judaism, I may perhaps liberate thee, and join thee to thy family." _Vide_ Wákidi's "Campaigns of Mohammad," page 393, Calcutta, 1856. This speech shows amply that Mohammad had no intention of enslaving Sofia.
The story of Mohammad's marriage with Sofia after her being given to and purchased from Dihya, emanates from Anas, who cannot be relied upon. Anas had very recently been associated with Mohammad. He entered Mohammad's service only the other day when he started for the expedition of Khyber, and was but a boy only a dozen-years old at that time. It is related by Bokhari from Anas himself, who said that the Prophet had asked Abu Tulhah to get him a boy to serve him during the Khyber expedition. So he took me to him, and I was a boy close to maturity (_Bokhari-Kitabul Jihad_). Anas has given two contradictory accounts about Sofia; in one he says, "Dihya asked Mohammad's permission for a captive girl, and took Sofia. When Mohammad heard about Sofia, he asked Dihya to take another one; and having liberated Sofia married her, and her freedom was her dower." In another tradition, Anas relates that "Sofia fell to the lot of Dihya, and Mohammad purchased her from him for seven camels." He says:--"The people did not know whether he had married her, or had made her a concubine-slave, but when she rode on a camel, and Mohammad put veil round her, the people knew from this that she was his wife." Both these traditions are narrated from Anas by Moslem in his _Saheeh_ (Book on Marriage).
The idea that Mohammad married Sofia under the circumstances noted above is not satisfactorily established. It was only the fancy of the people, or was a conjecture of Anas. Yet Sir W. Muir has the effrontery to remark against Mohammad that: "Indeed, he is not free from the suspicion of being influenced in the destruction of Kinána by the desire of obtaining his wife." (The Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, page 68, _footnote_.) Kinána was executed for killing Mahmood bin Muslama, and Sofia was neither enslaved nor married by Mohammad. Even if it be shown that Mohammad married her afterwards under some other circumstances, it (Sir W. Muir's presumption) is an idle guess unwarranted by any reasonable argument.
The traditionists, Anas and others, have probably confounded Sofia, the aunt of Mohammad, who was with him during the expedition of Khyber (_vide_ Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, page 66, _footnote_), with Kinána's widow of the same name, whom they fancied Mohammad might have married and carried with him on the same camel. The lady for whom Mohammad lowered his knee to help her to ascend the camel (_ibid_, page 70) was most probably Sofia, his aunt.]
[Footnote 347: Vol. III, pp. 278-279.]
[Footnote 348: _Vide_ The Biographical Dictionary of Persons who knew Mohammad, by Ibn Hajar. In _Biblotheca Indica_. A collection of oriental Series, published by the Asiatic Society, Bengal, No. 215, Vol. IV. Fasciculus 7, Calcutta, 1866; Art. Rehana, No. 444.]
[Footnote 349: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, page 278.]
[Footnote 350: "The days of Ignorance, that is, the period preceding Islam."]
[Footnote 351: "Two such are named by Tabari, I, page 248."
"A light ransom was fixed for each Arab slave--seven camels and six young ones. In the case of some tribes which had suffered most severely (as the Beni Hanifa, the Beni Kinda, and the people of Omán discomfited at Dabá) even this was remitted."
Annals of Early Caliphate. By Sir W. Muir, K.C.S.I., LL.D., D.C.L., London, 1883, pp. 63, 64.]
[Footnote 352: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, page 56.]
[Footnote 353: _Ibid_, page 57, footnote.]
[Footnote 354: _Vide_ Hishamee, page 972.]
[Footnote 355: _Ibid_, page 971.]
[Footnote 356: _Vide Takrib_ by Ibn Hajar.]
[Footnote 357: _Vide_ History of Muhammad's Campaigns by Wákidi; edited by Von Kremer, Calcutta, 1856, from p. 360 to the end.]
[Footnote 358: Vol. III, page 62.]
[Footnote 359: _Vide_ Mizán-ul-Etedál by Zahabí.]
[Footnote 360: _Vide_ Nos. 976, 977, and 978 in the Biographical Dictionary of Persons who knew Mohammad, by Ibn Hajar, published by the Asiatic Society, Bengal, Calcutta, 1870, Vol. IV, pp. 779, 780, and 781.]
[Footnote 361: _Vide_ Mizán, by Zahabí.]
[Footnote 362: "An eclipse of the sun occurred on the same day, and the people spoke of it as a tribute to the death of the Prophet's son. A vulgar impostor would have accepted and confirmed the delusion; but Mahomet rejected the idea."--"The Life of Mahomet" by Sir W. Muir, Vol. IV, page 166.]
[Footnote 363: "Meaning the company of his female slave."]
[Footnote 364: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, pp. 161 and 162.
Taking concubine-slaves was an established and recognized institution of the Arab society, until Mohammad abolished it. Practically the custom has prevailed up to the present time. No blame attached to such alliances in the social system of the Arabs. "The Caliphs of the House of Abbas were all of them the children of concubines except as--Saffah, Al-Mahdi, and Al-Amin" (History of Caliphs. By Sayúte. Translated by Major Jarret, page 20, Calcutta, 1880). If the story regarding Mohammad be true, there was no fear of exposure or offending the wives.]
[Footnote 365: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. I, Introduction, page ciii.]
[Footnote 366: "The Calcutta Review," Feby. 1868, page 374.]
[Footnote 367: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. IV, page 160.]
[Footnote 368: Zeid bin Aslam (in _Tabrani_), who narrates the story, though he does not mention Maria, is a Tábaee (died A.H. 136), and does not quote his authority. Besides, his authority itself is impeached; _vide_ Ibn Adi in his Kámal.
Masrook (in Saeed bin Mansoor) only came to Medina long after Mohammad's death; therefore his narration, even if it be genuine, is not reliable.
Zohak Ibn Muzahim (in _Tabrani_), also a Tábaee and of impeached authority, narrates it from Ibn Abbás, but he never heard any tradition from him, nor had he even seen him (_vide Mzàn-ul-Etedal_, by Zahabi, and _Ansáb_, by Sam-áni). His narration must be hence considered as apocryphal.
The ascription of Ibn Omar's (died 73 A.H.) story, not strictly to the point, is untrustworthy.
Abu Hurera's narration is also admitted as apocryphal; _vide Dur-rul-mansoor_, by Soyutí.
All these traditions are noted by Soyutí in his _Dur-rul-mansoor_.
The tradition by Nasáee (died 303 A.H.) from Anas (died 90 A.H.) regarding the affair of a slave is equally contradicted by the tradition from Ayesha, the widow of the Prophet, narrated by the traditionist Nasáee in the same place of his collection of traditions. This is the story of the honey. _Vide_ para. 16, _ubi supra_. Ayesha's tradition is more trustworthy than that of Anas. Hammád bin Salma, a narrator in the ascription of Anas, has been impeached owing to the confusion of his memory in the later days of his life (_vide Tekreeb_). Sabit, another link in the same chain, was a story-teller by profession (_vide Zahabi's Tabakát_,) and cannot be depended upon. And Nasáee himself has rejected the tradition ascribed to Anas, and is reported to have said that Ayesha's tradition has good ascription, while there is nothing valid in that regarding Maria; _vide_ Kamálain's Annotations on _Jelálain in loco_.]
[Footnote 369: The Life of Mahomet by Sir W. Muir, Vol. IV, page 310.]
[Footnote 370: _Ibid_, Vol. III, page 228, and _footnote_ at pp. 229 and 230.]
[Footnote 371: The Life of Mahomet by Sir W. Muir, page 228. The _italics_ are mine.]
[Footnote 372: Muir's Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, page 229. The tradition quoted by Sir W. Muir in this page is apocryphal and technically _Mursal_.]
[Footnote 373: _Ibid_, p. 230.]
[Footnote 374: "(T.A.) _he made_ [a thing] _lawful_, or _allowable_, to him (Jel in XXXIII, 38, and Kull in page 275 and T.A.*) relating to a case into which a man has brought himself (Kull): this is said to be the meaning when the phrase occurs in the Kur:" An Arabic-English Lexicon, by Edward William Lane, page 2375.]
[Footnote 375: The Life of Mahomet, Vol. III, page 231.]
[Footnote 376: Vide _Seerat Halabi_; or, _Insan-ul-Oyoon_, Vol. II, page 402.]
[Footnote 377: Ibn Khallikan's Biographical Dictionary, Vol. III, pp. 409-410.]
[Footnote 378: Vide _Dur-rul-mansoor_, by Sayútí, _in loco_.]
[Footnote 379: Ibn Khallikan's Biographical Dictionary, Vol. II, page 207.]
[Footnote 380: Narrated by Ibn Sád and Hákim.]
[Footnote 381: _Vide_ Abdur Razzák. Abd bin Hamíd, Ibn Jarír, Ibn-al-Monzar, Ibn Abi Hátim, and Tabráni's Collections of Traditions.]
Appendix C.
The references to the particular events and circumstances relating to the defensive wars mentioned in the Koran, quoted and referred by me in this work, may be classified as follows:--
I.--The Persecutions of the Koreish at Mecca (B.H. 10-1).
Sura xvi, 43, 44, 111. Sura ii, 210, 214, 215. Sura iii, 194. Sura iv, 97, 99, 100. Sura xxii, 57. Sura lx, 8, 9. Sura xlvii, 14. Sura xlviii, 25. Sura ix, 40, 48, 95.
II.--The Aggressions of the Koreish at Medina, as well as those of the Inhabitants thereof (A.H. 10).
Sura ii, 214; Sura viii, 72; Sura ix, 13, 48, 72.
III. The Wars of Defence against the Koreish and the Arabs, &c., with several References to their Aggressions (A.H. 1-8).
Sura xxii, 39-42. Sura ii, 186-189, 214, 215, 245, 247, 252. Sura iv, 76-78, 86, 91, 93. Sura viii, 19, 39-41, 58-66, 73, 74. Sura ix, 10, 13.
IV.--The Various Battles, &c.
(1) _The Battle of Badr_ (A.H. 2). Sura iii, 11, 119; Sura viii, 5-19, 39-52, 66-72; Sura xlvii, 4, 15.
(2) _The Battle of Ohad_ (A.H. 3). Sura iii, 117-122; 134-154; 159-162.
(3) _The Second Battle of Badr_ (A.H. 4), and _The Expulsion of the Bani Nazeer_ (A.H. 4). Sura iii, 167; and Sura lix, 2-14.
(4) _The Battle of Ahzáb_ (A.H. 5). Sura xxxiii, 9-25.
(5) _The Jews, Bani Koreiza, &c._ (A.H. 5). Sura viii, 58-66; Sura xxxiii, 26-27.
(6) _The pilgrimic Expedition to Hodeibia_ (A.H. 6). Sura xlviii, 1-3, 10, 11, 24, 25; Sura lx.
(7) _The Expedition to Khyber_ (A.H. 7). Sura xlviii, 17, 20-22.
(8) _The breach of the truce of Hodeibia by the Koreish_ (A.H. 8).
(_a_) Before the Conquest of Mecca. Sura ix, 1-15.
(_b_) After the Conquest of Mecca, Sura ix, 16-24.
(9) _The Battle of Honain_ (A.H. 8). Sura ix, 25-27.
(10) _After the Battle of Honain_ (A.H. 9). Sura ix, 28.
(11) _The Expedition to Tabuk against the Christians (Romans) and their Jewish Allies_ (A.H. 9).
(_a_) Exhortation to go to war in defence. Sura ix, 29-41, 124.
(_b_) Backwardness reproached. 42-52, 56-57, 82-90.
(_c_) Exhortations for contribution. 53-55, 58-60, 81.
(_d_) The disaffected chided. 65-76, 121, 122, 125-130.
(_e_) The Bedouins reprobated. 91-102.
(_f_) The penitents forgiven. 103-107, 118.
_THE END._
INDEX.
A.
Aámir, lii.
Aamir bin Tofeil, chief of Bani Aamir, xlvi.
Abbas, 34.
Abd-bin Hamid, 109 _f.n._, 222.
Abd bin Kosayy, xxxiii.
Abd Monat, xvii _f.n._
Abd Shams, xxviii, 7.
Abdel Malik ibn Hisham, 72 _f.n._, 73 _f.n._
Abd-ud-Dar, xxxiii.
Abd-ul-Kays, xlvi, lii.
Abdul Hamid, 206, 208.
Abdul Rahman, Mohammad's instruction to him, xxvii.
Abdullah, 96, 97.
Abdullah bin Abdur Rahaman bin Abi Sasta, 206, 208.
Abdullah bin al Harith, 222.
Abdullah bin Jahsh, 31, 56.
Abdullah bin Khalal, 96.
Abdullah bin Omar, 68 _f.n._
Abdullah ibn Abbas, 135.
Abdullah ibn Masood, 79, 80.
Abdullah ibn Oneis, 69, 73.
Abdullah ibn Rawáha, 72, 102.
Abdullah ibn Shuburma, ibn Tufail ad Dubbi, 136.
Abdullah ibn Zubair, 135.
Abdur Razzak, 110 _f.n._
Abs, xxxiv, xli, xlii, xlvi.
Abû Abd-ur-Rahman Abdullah ibn Omar ibn-al Khattab, 135.
Abu Abd-ur Rahman an Nasai, 221.
Abu Afak, 61, 64, 65.
Abu Avana, 210.
Abu Bakr, vi, lix, 9, 179.
Abu Bakr al Ajurri, 221.
Abu Barda, 83.
Abu Basir, 98, 99, 101.
Abu Bera Amr ibn Malik, a chief of Bani Aamir, xlvi.
Abu Cobeis, 6.
Abu Daood, his book of Jihad, 71 _f.n._, 78 _f.n._, 79, 80 _f.n._, 96, 133, 207.
Abu Hattim, 207, 209.
Abu Hurera, 215.
Abu Jahl, 7, 55.
Abu Naeem, 78.
Abu Obeida, 107.
Abu Omar-ad-Damishki, 68 _f.n._
Abu Omar-al-Madni, 107.
Abu Rafe, chief of the Bani Nazeer, 61, 71-72.
Abu Sofian, viii, 7, 11, 14, 31, 32, 34, 53, 55, 56, 74, 75, 76; attempted assassination of, 61.
Abu Talib, 6; his death, 7.
Abu Yola, xxii.
Abu Zara, 208.
Abul Bakhtari, 34.
Abul Hukeik, the chief of Bani Nazeer, 39.
Abul Mo'tamar Soleiman, 89, 197, 200, 206.
Abul Ozza, 76, 80, 81.
Abwa, Expedition of, 29, 56.
Abyssinia, The emigration of the Moslems to, v, xxxiii, 5; the two emigrations of, 11; Nadhir ibn Hareth's flight to, 78, 179.
Age, The Apostolic, 109.
Ahl Hadis, 160.
Ahmas, liii.
Ahmed bin Hanbal, 221.
Ahmed ibn Abi Daood, 113.
Ahmed Khan, Syed; his Commentary of the Koran, 95 _f.n._
Ahzab, vii, xxii, xxiii, 10, 197.
Ainee, a Commentary of the Hedaya, 125, 132, 134 _f.n._
Ajtahada, 164.
Ajtahada fil Amr, 164.
Akhnas, 99.
Al-Aamash, 135.
Al-Amaran, 182.
Al-Amin, 212 _f.n._
Al-Auzai, 135.
Ali, 9, 80, 196.
Ali bin Abdullah bin Abbas, 68.
Al-Is, 57.
Al-Lat, 7.
Allah, 38.
Allauddin Al Haskafi, 170
Almotarrazi, 164.
Al-Mamun, Khalif, 136.
Al Yafi, 136.
Amalekites, 153.
Amar, commissioned to fight with Abu Sofian, 74, 81, 219.
Amar-bin-Dinar, 134, 135, 136.
Ameer Ali, Moulvie, quoted, 90.
Amr, 64.
Amr bin Saasaa, xxxiv, xli.
Amru ibn Omerga, 75.
Anaza, lii.
Annajmus Saqib (star of piercing radiance), xxxvi.
Annals of the Eastern Caliphate quoted, 193, 202.
Ans, 93 _f.n._, 136, 197-198, 215.
Ans bin Qizi, 89.
Ansab, 215.
Ansars, people of Medina, 32, 41.
Apartment, The (Sura), 188.
Arabs, their society, ii, 26; pagan, 125.
Arafat, xlviii.
Arqam, Mohammad sought refuge in the house of, xxxiii.
Asad, xii, xiii, xxxiii, xlvi, lii.
Asas of Zamakhshire, 163 _f.n._, 164.
Ashar, xvi.
Ashja, xii, xiii, xlii, xliii, xlv.
Ashraf, 66.
Asim, 80.
Aslam, xliii.
Asma bint Marwán, 61, 62-64.
Assemblies of Ali Hariri, translated by Thomas Chenry, 169.
As Sauri, 137.
As Shabi, 136.
Astromancy of the Jinns, xxxvi.
Ata, 68, 116 _f.n._, 134.
Ata ibn Abi Rabah, 135.
Autas, xxiii, 16.
Aws Allah, xxxix.
Aws Tribes (The), xxxix, xlii, xliv.
Ayesha, 215, 216.
Ayla, the Christian chief, xix.
Azd, xlv, lii.
Azdite Tribes (The), xxxix, xlv.
Azhar, 99.
Azruh, The Jews of, xix.
B.
Badr, vi, vii, viii, ix, x, xi, xxii, xli, xlii, 10; the battle of, 11, 32, 34; Nadhir executed at, 78, 110 _f.n._, 170, 181, 196.
Baghdad, 221.
Baghvi, 214.
Bahrein, li.
Baihakee, his traditions, 114.
Balca, 40.
Balkh, 22.
Bahila, lii.
Bahra, lii.
Bajila, lii.
Bakka, xxxiv, lii.
Bakr, xvii, xxviii, xli, xlii, lii, 15, 22, 53.
Bali, xlvi, liv.
Bariq, liv.
Baus, Meaning of, xxi.
Bir Mauna, xii.
Boas, Battle of, xlii.
Bokharee, xxii, 96, 134, 199, 207.
C.
Calcutta Review (The) quoted, 213.
Campaigns of Mohammad by Wackidi, 78 _f.n._, 102, 197, 198.
Canaan, 140.
Canaanites, 153.
Capitation-tax, 120, 159.
Cattle, The (Sura), 183.
Caussin de Perceval, xxvii.
Cazenove, Dr., xxvii.
Chaldean, xxxv.
Chenry, Thomas, quoted, 169.
Chosroes, 140.
Christians, 141, 142, 147, 157.
Code, The Hanafee, 137, 159.
Commentary of the Koran, 154.
Commentary on International Law, xxx.
Concubinage not allowed by the Koran, 193; of Rihana with the Prophet not proved, 201; of Maria the Coptic, 204-211; of Haphsa and Maria, 211.
Coppée's (Henry) History of the Conquest of Spain by the Arabs quoted, xxix.
Corinthians, 1, vii, 12-16; vii, 15, 112.
Cow, The (Sura), 181.
Creator, The (Sura), 181.
Cushite Tribes (The), xxxv.
Cyrus, 145.
D.
Dahis, The war of, xli.
Daniel, The Book of, xxxv.
Daree, liv.
Dar-ul-Harb, 157, 158.
Dar-ul-Islam, 157, 158.
David, 152.
Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, xxiv.
Descriptive Astronomy by Chambers quoted, xxxvi.
Deutronomy, xx, 20, 110. Ditto, xx, 10-17, 152. Ditto, xxi, 153. Ditto, vi, 5, 178.
Dhumra, 30.
Dictionary, Biographical, by Ibn Khallikan quoted, 135-137, 206, 230.
Dictionary, Biographical, of persons who knew Mohammad, 208.
Dihya sent by Mohammad to the Roman Emperor, xiii, 197.
Ditch, Battle of the, 13, 35.
Dods, Dr., quoted, lx, lxxiii, lxxxiii.
Dous, xlv.
Duma, The Christian chief of, xix, 12.
Dumatal Jandal, xii.
Dur-rul-Mansoor, 215.
Dur-rul-Mukhtár, 170.
Dzu Nowâs, xxxix.
E.
Early Caliphate and rise of Islam, by Sir W. Muir, 140.
Egypt, 140; Governor of, 205, 206.
Exodus, xxiii, 27-33, 151.
Extraordinary Popular Delusions, by Charles Mackay, quoted, xxxviii.
F.
Fadak, 15 _f.n._, 39.
Fakhr-ud-deen Razi, 178.
Faraza, 219.
Farwa, liv.
Fasád, The war of, xliii.
Fayoomee, Author of Misbahel Moneer, 164.
Females in connection with the treaty of Hodeibia, 110-112.
Fezara, xiii, xxxiv, xlii, xlv, xlvi, liv, 35, 39; executed by Abu Rafe, 71.
Fitnah (Persecutions), ii, xvii, 17, 18, 44, 45, 122, 133.
Fluegel, Translation of the Koran by, 120.
Forbidding, The (Sura), 185.
Freeman, Dr., quoted, 140, 141.
Fruit-trees, 109-110.
Furkan, 177.
Fyrozabadee, 163 _f.n._
G.
Ghaba, Al, 93.
Ghafiq, liv.
Ghanim, liv.
Ghassan, The tribes of, xxxiv, xlii, xlvi, liv.
Ghassanide, Prince at Bostra (The), xxxix, 16, 139.
Ghatafan, xii, xiii, xli, 12, 35, 39; tribes of, 72, 89.
Ghaus, xliii.
Ghazavat, Meaning of the word, xxi.
Ghifar, xliii.
Ghussan, 40.
Gibbon quoted, xxiv, 26, 49 _f.n._
Green, The Revd. Samuel, quoted, xxiii-xxiv.
H.
Habbar, 113 _f.n._
Hafasa, xxxiv.
Hafiz Ishmael ibn Kaseer-al-Qarashi, 214.
Hakeem-bin-Hizam, 114.
Halabi, 30; Insan-al-Oyoon of, 91; quoted and refuted, 129-132.
Hall's (William Edward) International Law, xxix.
Hallam, lxiii, lxv.
Hamadan, liv.
Hammad bin Salma, 215.
Hamra, Abul Ozza caught at, 81, 82.
Hamza, 29, 55.
Hanafee Code (The), 137, 159.
Hanifa, xxxiv, xxxix, liv, lv, 203.
Haphsa, 211.
Harb (Warfare), 163.
Harb-fijar, Battle of, xli.
Haris, xxxiii, xxxiv, xlii, lv, 48 _f.n._, 64, 106.
Harith of Najrân, xxxix.
Harith ibn Amir, 34.
Hashim, xxxiv, 34.
Hashimites (The), xxxiii, 6.
Hatib's story, 187.
Hawazin, xlii, xliii, xlvi, xlviii, 16, 39, 86, 196.
Hazaramaut, li.
Hedaya (The), 116; quoted, 117, 118, 120, 125.
Hegira (The), 8.
Hilal bin Amr, bin Saasaa, lv.
Hims, 40.
Himyar, xliii, xlvi, lv.
Himyarite stock, xlv.
Hinzala Tribe (The), xxxiv.
Hira, The Kingdom of, xli.
Hisham, 34.
Hishami, xxxiii, 74, 81 _f.n._, 89, 196, 197, 200.
Hisham-bin-Abdul Malik, 206.
History and Conquest of the Saracens quoted, 140, 141.
History of European Morals quoted, 105.
History of Mohammadanism (The), quoted, xxviii.
History of the Conquest of Spain by the Arabs, xxix.
History, The Jewish, 152.
Hodeibia, Truce of, xi, xiv; violation of the truce, xvi, xxvi, xliii, xlix, 15, 22, 86; one of the articles of the treaty of Hodeibia, 99; females in connection with it, 110, 196.
Honain, xviii, xxii, xlvii, 16; Nadhir ibn Harith present at the Battle of, 78, 86, 196.
Horne, T.H., 151.
Hughes, The Revd. T.P., quoted, 154.
Huweisa, 106, 107.
I.
Ibn Abbas; his evidence, 68, 96, 113, 215.
Ibn Abdeen, 127.
Ibn Abi Yahya, 221.
Ibn Adi, 215.
Ibn Al Athir, 30, 164 _f.n._
Ibn Ky-yim, 100.
Ibn al Mosayyib, 68.
Ibn Attiah, 170.
Ibn Hajr al Askalani, 63, 206, 208; quoted and refuted, 128, 129.
Ibn Hisham, xv, xxii, xxxvi, xlvii, 30, 63, 64, 68 _f.n._, 69, 71, 74, 78, 80, 82, 86, 91, 92, 93 _f.n._, 102, 106, 107, 109 _f.n._, 207, 214.
Ibn Ishak, xxii, 30, 64, 69, 71, 73, 74, 79, 80, 91, 93 _f.n._, 100, 106, 109 _f.n._, 206, 207.
Ibn Jarir Tabari, 93 _f.n._
Ibn Khaldun, 90.
Ibn Khallikan's Biographical Dictionary quoted, 136 _f.n._, 137, 206, 220.
Ibn Maja, 113, 207.
Ibn Manda, 78.
Ibn Mardaveih, 93 _f.n._, 109 _f.n._
Ibn Mas-ood, 79, 80.
Ibn Mokrram, 163 _f.n._
Ibn Ockba, 109 _f.n._
Ibn Omar, 215.
Ibn Omeya, 74.
Ibn Sad Katib Wakidi, xxii, 63, 69, 74, 75, 78, 114, 206, 208, 210.
Ibn Saniua, 106, 107.
Ibn Sayyad al Nas, 89.
Ibn Shahab, 113.
Ibn Shobormah, 134.
Ibn Sirni, 136.
Ibn Sofian, 114.
Ibrahim, 80.
Ibrahim, the son of Mohammad, 209, 210.
Ibrahim bin Maisura, 68 _f.n._
Ibrahim ibn Yakub al Juz Jani, 221.
Idolatry, Mohammad's abhorence of, 6.
Ignorance, Time of, 87, 169, 202.
Ikrama bin Abi Jahl, his lying character, 68, 113, 222.
Imam (The), 117; the Mujtahid, 136, 206.
Immunity, The (Sura), 185, 188, 189, 190, 191.
Insan-ul-Oyoon, 30, 80 _f.n._, 81 _f.n._, 91 _f.n._, 102, 129, 131 _f.n._
International Law, by W.E. Hall, quoted, xxix.
Intolerance of the Koreish, 8; allegation on Mohammad, xxxi, 42, 51.
Introduction of the Book, p. i.
Introduction of the critical study and knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, by T.H. Horne, quoted, 151, 152.
Irak, 221.
Irshadussari, 170.
Irving, W., quoted, 74.
Islam, the first propagation at Mecca, xxxii-xli; the impediments it received on account of internecine wars, xl.
Islam under the Arabs, by Major R.D. Osborn, quoted, 146, 148.
Islami poets, 165, 169.
Israel, 152.
Israelites commanded to slay the Canaanites, 151.
Istizan, 38.
J.
Jaad, lv.
Jaafir bin Kelab ibn Rabia, lv.
Jabir, xxii.
Jabir ibn Abdullah, 68, 135.
Jabra, The Jews of, xix.
Jadila, xliii.
Jafar, 206, 208.
Jahad, 170, 192.
Jahada, 163, 166, 170, 191.
Jahada fil Amr, 163.
Jahada fi Sabeel Allah, 164, 170.
Jahadaka, 166, 173.
Jahadoo, 166, 173, 179, 180, 181, 182, 188, 189, 191.
Jahd, 166, 167, 170, 181, 183.
Jahid, 166, 173, 185.
Jahid-hom, 166.
Jahidoo, 166, 173, 175, 176, 180.
Jahili, 165, 168.
Jálút (Goliath), 152.
Jarret's (Major) Translation of History of Caliphs by Sayúte, 212.
Jazima, 87.
Jedda, The abode of Bani Ashar, xlv.
Jeifer bin al Jalandi, lvi.
Jelalud-Deen Mahalli, 213.
Jews (The) of Medina, iv, 34-40, 73; excited to take up arms by Nueim, 107, 125, 139, 141, 142, 147, 157.
Jierana, The valley of, 196.
Jihad, The popular, 114-161; meaning defined, 155; does not mean war or crusade, 163; classical meaning of Jihad, &c., 163; post-classical or technical meaning of Jihad, 164; the classical tongue and Arabian poets, 165; the conjugation and declination of Jahd and Jihad, 166; the number of instances in which they occur in the Koran, 166; in what sense they are used in the Koran, 167; conventional significations of, 168; Mohammadan commentators quoted, 170; when the word 'Jihad' was diverted from its original signification to its figurative meaning, of waging religious war, 170; all the verses of the Koran containing the word Jihad and its derivatives quoted and explained, 171-192.
Jihádan, 164, 170, 175, 186.
Jinn, Tribe of, xxxiv-xxxviii.
Jizya, 35.
Johd, 167, 169.
Joheina, xlii, xliii, xlvi, lvi.
Jomahites (The), xxxiii.
Joshua, 141, 153.
Jouhari, 163 _f.n._, 164.
Judzam, xiii, xlvi, 40.
Jufi, lvi.
Juzam, _see_ Judzam.
K.
Kaaba, viii; Moslems prevented from, xlv, 5, 139; stripped of its idols, xlix, l.
Kab, xxxiv, lvi.
Kab bin Yahooza, 107.
Kab ibn Ashraf, 61, 66-68, 106.
Kahins, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxviii; Kahinite stock (The), xlv.
Kahlanite stock, xxxix, xlv, xlvi.
Kainuka, xlii, 34, 35.
Kalb, xxxiv, lvi.
Katib Wakidi, xlvi.
Kent's Commentary on International Law, xxx.
Khalid ibn Waleed, 87, 193.
Khasafa, xlvi.
Khas-am bin Ammar, lvi.
Khaulan, lvi.
Khazraj tribes, xxxix, xlii, xliv.
Khozaá, xii, xvi, xvii, xliii, 123.
Khozeimah, xxxiv.
Khushain, xlv.
Khyber, xiii, xviii, xxii, xxiii, 37 _f.n._
Kifaya, 122, 125.
Kiláb, lii.
Kinana, Tortures of, lvi, 95; Bani, lii.
Kinda, xxxiv, xlii, lvi.
Kitab-ul-Maghazi, xxii.
Kital (Warfare), 163, 192, 193.
Koostlánee, his Commentary of Bokharee, xxii, 92, 93, 170.
Koran does not enjoin compulsory conversion, xxxi. everywhere preaches tolerance of every religion, xxxii.
Koreish, ii, iii, iv, v, vi, vii, ix, x, xi, xii, xiii, xxiv, xxxiii, xxxix; the heavy persecutions of, l; their embassy to the Court of Abyssinia, 5; send scouts to search for Mohammad, 9; their severity to fugitives, _id._; their maltreatment of children and women, _id._; become more and more hostile, 11; joined by the Bani Mustalik, 12; their anxiety to postpone hostilities, 13; besiege Medina once more, 14; violate the treaty of Hodeibia, xvi, 15; their intolerance, 27; excited to take up arms by Nueim, an Arab, 101, 139, 187.
Koreishite persecution, xxxiv; caravans alleged to be intercepted, 55, 56, 57.
Koreiza, The Jewish tribes of, xiii, xix, xxii, xlii, 14, 34; execution of, 87-94, 196-200.
Kotelu, 156.
Koukabi Durrari Sharah, 68.
Kozaáite Tribe (The), xliii, xlvi.
Kufa, 136; the abode of Bani Shaitan, xxxiv.
Kulab, xlii.
Kunniat (patronymic), 208.
Kurz-bin-Jabir, a Koreish, commits a raid upon Medina, xi, 11, 92.
Kustalani, _vide_ Koostalanee.
L.
La-Arjomonnaka (I will assuredly say of thee), xxxviii.
Lahyan, xii, 12, 69.
Lakhm, 40.
Lane, E.W., quoted, 137-138 _f.n._, 168-169.
Lane's Arabic-English Lexicon, xxxviii, 163 _f.n._, 164, 167, 200, 219.
La-taatadú (do not attack first), xxvii.
Law, The common, in connection with Jihad, 116-117; its commentators, 119-120, 158.
Law of Moses (The), 110, 140.
Law of Scriptural interpretations; limited or conditional, general or absolute, 118.
Law of the Koran with regard to unbelievers, 111.
Law, The Mohammadan Revealed, or the Koran, 159.
Lecky, his standard of Morality, 104-105.
Lecture, The Rede, quoted, 140.
Leena, 110.
Legists, The early Moslem, against Jihad, 134; their biographical sketches, 135-137.
Leith, 15 _f.n._
Lieber Francis quoted, 33, 76, 88; on Military necessity, 104.
Life of Mahomet, founder of the Religion of Islamism, by the Revd. S. Green, xxiv.
Life of Mohammad by Dr. Sprenger quoted, xxiv.
Light, The (Sura), 185.
Lisanul-Arab of Ibn Mokarram, 163.
Loghat, or The Classical Tongue of Arabia, 165.
Lokman, 177.
Luke, x, 27; and xiii, 124, 178.
M.
MacColl, The Revd. Malcolm, quoted, 157.
Macna, The Jews of, xix.
Maddool Kamoos, by Mr. Lane, 164.
Maghazi, 38, 187 (accounts of the Campaigns of Mohammad), xliv.
Mahmud, killed by Kinana, 95.
Mahmud bin Muslama, brother of Mohammad bin Muslama, 95, 197.
Mahrah, lvi.
Mak-hool, 209.
Malak, 38.
Malik, 38.
Manakib, 199.
Marafat, Anwáa ilm Hadees, 68.
Maria the Coptic, 204; sent by the Roman Governor to Mohammad, 205; neither a slave nor a concubine, 206-208; had no son, 209; the spurious character about her story, 211, 214, 216.
Mark, XII, 30, p. 178.
Marr-al Zahran, xlviii.
Marriage, a strict bond of union in the Koran, 113.
Marw, 221.
Marwan, 62.
Masrook, 79, 215.
Mecca, xvi, xxii, 7.
Meccans, iii, 9; their invasion of Medina, 10, 32.
Medina, 100; Koreish march upon, vi, vii, xiii; the flight of Mohammad to, 5.
Mesopotamia, xxxv, xlviii.
Mikyas ibn Subaba, 96.
Mill's (Charles) History of Mohammadanism quoted, xxviii.
Mirat-uz-Zaman, 210.
Misbah-ul-Moneer of Fayoomee, 164, 214.
Mishkat (Book of Retaliation), 71 _f.n._, 96 _f.n._
Mizan-ul-Etedal, 68, 208, 210, 215.
Moadd, xlvi.
Moaddite stock (The), xxxiv, xliii, xlvii.
Mo-an-an, 210.
Moavia ibn Mughira, 76, 81-83.
Modallis, 210.
Modern Egyptians of Lane, 137, 138.
Mohajirin (Refugees), 32.
Moharib, xxxiv, lvi.
Moharram, 23 _f.n._, 53.
Mojahadatan, 164.
Mojahadina, 184.
Mojahadoona, 184.
Mojahid, 155, 184.
Mojahiddin, 155.
Mojahidina, 166, 174, 184.
Mojahidoona, 166, 174, 184.
Moleil bin Zamra, xliii.
Mohammad, his incapacity to undertake offensive wars against his enemies, the Koreish, pp. ii, iv, v; had no intention to waylay the caravans at Badr, viii-x; his singular toleration and his wars of self-defence, xiv; the number of his wars, xx, xxiii; considered a sanguinary tyrant by the Revd. M. Green, xxix; defence of his allegation, xxiv-xxv; a second view of the wars of Mohammad, xxviii-xxx. His imprisonment, his preaching at Tayif, xxxiv; his followers persecuted, 1; insults offered him, 5; prevented from offering his prayers, _id._; his preaching against idolatry, 6; his insecurity at Mecca, 7; sets off to Tayif, _id._; proscribed by the Koreish, 9; hides himself for three days in a cave, _id._; gains the battle of Badr, 10; defeated and wounded at Ohad, 12; fights the battle of the Ditch, 14; undertakes the lesser pilgrimage of Mecca, _id._; encamps at Hodeibia, 15; marches to defend the Bani Khozaá, 16; his wars purely defensive, 17-26; was justified in taking up arms, 27; his attacks mere acts of retaliation, 33; gives quarters to his enemies, and enters into a treaty with the Jews, 34-40; his last war with the Romans, 41; never taught intolerance, 43; the object of his wars, 50-51; his alleged interceptions of the Koreish caravans, 55-57; the alleged interceptions proved impossible, 58; the assassinations said to have taken place at his own instructions, 60-76; his alleged cruelty in executing the prisoners of war, 76-83; represented as directing the execution of the prisoners of Badr, 83-85; his kind treatment of the prisoners of war, 85-87; had no share in the execution of a singing girl as alleged by his biographers, 96-97; never refused Abu Basir from going back to his guardian, 99; his adherence to the treaty of Hodeibia, 100; never gave any permission for the murder of Sanina, 106-107; his Koran never teaches aggressive wars, 125; Freeman Stephens, Bosworth Smith, George Sale, Major Osborn, the Revd. Wherry, the Revd. Hughes, and the Revd. MacColl, on the wars of Mohammad, 146-161.
Mohammad (Sura), 184.
Mohammad bin Ishak, 68.
Mohammad bin Kobeib Hashimi, 80.
Mohammad bin Muslama, 95.
Mohammad bin Sad Kalib Wakidi, 68, 201, 207.
Mohammad bin Sireen, 68.
Mohammad bin Yahya bin Habban, 222.
Mohammad, Buddha and Christ, by Dr. Dods, quoted, lxxiv.
Mohammad Karamat-ul Ali of Delhi, 100 _f.n._
Mohammad and Mohammadanism, by B. Smith, quoted, 143.
Mokatil, 184, 220-221.
Mokhadrams, poets, 165, 169.
Mokowkas, the Roman Governor, 205.
Moleil-bin-Zamra, xliii.
Mooahib of Koostlanee, 93 _f.n._
Mooltan, 169.
Morad, lvi.
Morocco, 169.
Mosaic injunctions, 153.
Moses, The law of, 110, 140, 141, 145, 150, 152, 153.
Mosheim, Dr., quoted, lxi, lxiii, lxv.
Moslems forced to resort to arms in pure self-defence, 10; threatened by Abu Sofian with an attack, 7, 13.
Moslim, his collections, 71 _f.n._, 86, 196, 198, 210, 214.
Movatta, by Malik, 114.
Mowallads, poets, 165.
Mozar, xlvi.
Mozeina, xlii, xliii.
Muallafa Qolubohum (those whose hearts are to be won over), xlviii.
Mudlij, lv; a tribe of Kinana, iv, 30.
Mufti, 136.
Mughrib of Almotarrazi (The), 164 _f.n._
Muheiasa, the murderer of Ibn Sanina, 106, 107.
Muir's (Sir W.) Life of Mahomet quoted, i, vi, viii, ix _f.n._, xxvii, xxviii, xxxi, xxxii, xxxiv, xxxix, xliii, xlvi, xlviii, xlix, l, lxvi, lxvii, lxx, lxxii, lxxviii, lxxx, 9 _f.n._, 27, 29 _f.n._, 30 _f.n._, 39, 43, 46, 47, 49 _f.n._, 51, 52, 56, 58 _f.n._, 64 _f.n._, 65, 67, 68 _f.n._, 69, 72, 73, 75, 76, 78, 82, 83, 85, 89, 91, 93, 97, 98, 99, 102, 106, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113 _f.n._, 138, 140, 160 _f.n._, 170, 178, 180, 181, 187, 188, 193, 196, 197, 198, 200, 201, 205, 210, 212, 214, 216, 217, 218, 219.
Mujanna, xlviii.
Mujhool, 134.
Mujtahid, 137, 160.
Mukwhumites (The), xxxiii.
Muntafiq, lvi.
Muraisia, xviii.
Murra, xiii, xlv, xlvi, lvi, 15, 39.
Mursul, 109 _f.n._
Musa-bin-Akba, xxii.
Musab, 78.
Mustalik, xii, xviii; a branch of Khozaá, xxiii, 12; released without ransom, 86, 196.
Muta, Expedition to, 138.
Mut-im, 7.
N.
Nadhirbin Harith, 76, 77-78.
Naeem, 13.
Najashee, xxxiii.
Najd, xii, 12; the Bedouin tribes of, xli, xlii, xliii, 89, 196, 199, 200; celebrated for Bani Tamim, xlvii.
Najran, The Christians of, xxxiii, 37, 48.
Nakha, lvi.
Nakhla, the Jinns converted at, xxxv, xxxvi, 30, 56.
Nasaee, 207, 215, 216.
Nations, The battle of, 13.
Nazeer treasoned against Medina, xii, xlii, 34, 66, 71; its chief, 72; the expulsion of, 108-110.
Nazr, xxxiv, 78.
Nihayeh of Ibn-al-Atheer, 164 _f.n._
Nineteenth century (The) quoted, 158.
Nineveh, xxxv.
Nisibin, xxxv.
Noavee, 214.
Nohd, lvi.
Notes on Muhammadanism, by Revd. T.P. Hughes, 154.
Nueim, his alleged employment to break up the confederates who had besieged Medina, 101-105.
Numbers, xxxi, 153.
Nuraddin Ali-al-Halabi quoted and refuted, 129-132.
O.
Obada-bin-Samat, 58 _f.n._
Obeida, 29, 55.
Ohad, Battle of, vii, xii, xviii, xxii, xlii, xlvii, 10, 11, 34, 69, 197.
Okaz, xlviii.
Okba bin Mueit, 76, 79-81.
Oman, li.
Omar, 83, 196, 202.
Omar bin Asim, 209.
Omar ibn al Ghallas, 209.
Omar ibn al Hakam, 201.
Omeir, 62, 63.
Omeya bin Khalf, 56.
Omiyyiads, xxxiii.
Omm Kirfa, 91.
Omm Rabab, 208.
Ommara, 80.
Oneis, 73.
Orfee, 170.
Orna, 69.
Osaba-fi-Tamiz Issahába, 68 _f.n._
Osborn, R.D., Major, quoted, 42, 62; refuted, lxviii, lxxxv, lxxxvii, lxxxviii, lxxxix, 146-149.
Oseir ibn Zarim, the chief of Nazeer of Khyber, 39, 61, 72-73.
Osheira, Expedition of, 29, 56.
Osman, the Moslem envoy to Mecca, xv.
Osman, 80, 196.
Osman bin Affan, 89.
Osman bin Zaed, 91 _f.n._
Otheil, 78 _f.n._
Oyoon-al Asar, 89.
Ozra, xxxiv, lvi, lvii.
P.
Palmer's (H.) Translation of the Koran quoted, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 188, 189, 190, 191.
Patriarchal form of Government at Mecca, iii.
Pargod (Veil), xxxviii.
People of the Book (Kitabi), 157.
Persia, The Empire of, 138.
Persecution of the early Moslems, 1; noticed in the Koran, 2-4; their historical summary, 5; of the Medina converts, 9; of the Moslems by the Koreish after their flight from Mecca, 9; of the Koreish at Mecca, 225.
Philistines, 152.
Pilgrimage, 14, 178.
Pilgrims, 8.
Poets Jahili, Mokhadrams, Islami, and Mowallads, 165.
Poole, S.L., quoted, lxxxv, 61, 97-98.
Prisoners of war defined, 76.
Puffendorf, 70.
Punishment, Forms of primitive, 94-95.
Pyrenees, 169.
Q.
Qadr, 220.
Qalqashandi's Dictionary of Arab tribes, xxxiv.
Qarashi, 214.
R.
Rabia, The Bani Abd-ul-Kays, the descendants of, xlvii.
Radd-ul Muhtar of Ibn Abdeen, 127.
Raha, lvii.
Rahrahan, Battle of, xli.
Raid of a Koreish chief upon Medina, 11. of Bani Asad and Bani Lahyan, 12. of Bani Duma, 12.
Rajab, 56.
Raji, xii, 12, 39, 74.
Rajm, Meaning of, xxxviii.
Ramzan, 23 _f.n._, 32, 53.
Rawasa, lvii.
Red Sea, 5.
Reforms, The proposed, political, social, and legal, 113 _f.n._, 158 _f.n._
Resurrection, The day of, and Jihad, 133.
Rifáa, a Koreishite, 88 _f.n._
Rihana, 201.
Ril, a clan of Bani Aamir, xlvi.
Robbers, The Urnee, 92-95.
Rodwell's Translation of the Koran quoted, 120 _f.n._, 167, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 188, 189, 190, 191.
Rojúm (conjecture), xxxviii.
Romans, The expedition against them, 40-41.
Rome, The Empire of, 138.
Romulus, 145.
S.
Saad, xiii, xlii.
Saad Hozeim, lvii.
Saad ibn Bakr, xiii, xl, xliii, xlv.
Sabaya, 197-200.
Sabit, 215.
Sad, 35; his judgment, 37-38, 55, 198, 199.
Sad bin Obadah, 89.
Sadif, lvii.
Sadoos, lvii.
Sadr Av-val (the Apostolic Age), 109.
Saeed, 83.
Saeed bin Mansoor, 215.
Saffah-al-Mahdi, 212.
Safra, 31.
Safwan bin Omayya, 113.
Saheeh, 198.
Saheeh Bokharee, 68.
Saheeh of Moslim, 86.
Sahim, lvii.
Sahm, xxxiii _f.n._
Sakeef, lvii.
Sakifites (The), xviii, xxxvi.
Salaba, xlvi.
Salámáni, lviii.
Sale, G., his Translation of the Koran, xxix; quoted, 143-146, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184, 185, 186, 188, 189, 190, 191.
Saleim, xii, xiii, 15 _f.n._
Salim, 65 _f.n._
Sallam ibn Abul Hokeik, Abu Rafe, 71.
Sam-áin, 215 _f.n._
Samaritan, 157.
Samuel, 152.
Saraya, Meaning of, xxi.
Sawad, 136.
Sayúte's History of Caliphs, 212 _f.n._, 215 _f.n._
Schedim (Demons), xxxviii.
Secker, Archbishop, quoted, 27.
Seerat Halabi, 80 _f.n._, 81 _f.n._, 100 _f.n._, 102 _f.n._
Seerat Shamee, 63, 100 _f.n._
Seerat-ul-Mohammadiya, 100.
Seleucas, xxxv.
Self-defence, Right of, xxv.
Shaban, 53.
Shahbudeen Ahmed bin Hajr Makki, quoted and refuted, 128-129.
Shaiban, lviii.
Shaitain, Battle of, xxviii, xlii.
Shamee, 100.
Shamsuddin Karmani, 68 _f.n._
Sarakhsee Sums-ul-Aimma (the sun of leaders), 126-128.
Shaw-wal, 23.
Sheb, the quarter of Abu Táleb, 6.
Sheb Jabala, Battle of, xli.
Sheikh Mohammad Al Tamartashi, 170.
Sihab of Jouhari, 163, 164.
Slane, De, Baron MacGuckin, 135-137.
Slavery and concubine-slaves as concomitant evils of war, 193-224; slavery and concubinage not allowed in the Koran, 193; Sir W. Muir quoted, 193; measures taken by Mohammad in the Koran to abolish slavery, 194-196; none of the prisoners of war was enslaved, 197-198; the Bani Koreiza not enslaved, 198-200; Omar the second Khalif liberated all Arab slaves, 202-203.
Smith, Bosworth, quoted, i, xxvii, 143.
Smith's (W.) Dictionary of the Bible, xxxvi.
Sodaa, lviii.
Soffian Ath-Thauri, 136-137.
Sofia, 197, 198.
Sofian ibn Khalid, 61, 69-71.
Sofian ibn Oyaina, 136, 137.
Sofian Sowri, 134.
Sohail, 93 _f.n._
Soleiman-al-Aamash, 210.
Spider, The (Sura), 180.
Spoils, The (Sura), 182, 183.
Sprenger, Dr., Life of Mahomet quoted, xxix, xxxiii, 179.
Stanley defended, 112.
Stephens, The Revd., quoted, lxxv, 141-142.
Stobart quoted, lxviii, 2, 52.
Strabo, xxxv.
Suleim, xii, xiii, xlii, xlv, xlvi, 12.
Sura II, xvi, xxvi, xxvii, 3, 10, 18-19, 42 _f.n._, 44, 49, 50, 51, 111, 116 _f.n._, 118, 120 _f.n._, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126, 127, 128, 130, 132, 133, 134, 152, 156, 166, 171 _f.n._, 173 _f.n._, 181, 194, 225.
Sura III, xii, 3, 50, 166, 174, 182, 225, 226.
Sura IV, xv, xl, 4, 10, 19-21, 50, 95, 111, 113, 118, 122, 142, 154, 155, 166-167, 172, 174, 184, 195, 203, 204, 219, 225.
Sura V, xxvi, xxxiii, 42 _f.n._, 50, 122, 130, 166, 167, 191, 195, 203, 204.
Sura VI, 122, 154, 166, 167, 174, 176, 183.
Sura VII, 122.
Sura VIII, viii, ix, x, xv, xvi, xxvi, 5, 21, 22, 35-36, 45, 51, 118, 121, 122, 124, 134, 147, 166, 167, 174, 182, 183, 219, 225, 226.
Sura IX (Sura Barát), xi, xvii, xix, xx, 1, 4, 16, 22, 25, 36-37, 42 _f.n._, 51-55, 118, 121, 122, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 131, 132, 133, 143, 147, 149-150, 159, 166-167, 172, 173, 175, 176, 185, 188, 189, 190, 191, 195, 225, 226, 227.
Sura XI, 219.
Sura XV, xxxvi, xxxvii, xxxviii, 122, 127, 220.
Sura XVI, 2, 3, 122, 127, 130, 166, 167, 173, 180, 225.
Sura XVIII, xxxviii, 42 _f.n._, 130.
Sura XIX, xxxviii, 219.
Sura XX, 171 _f.n._
Sura XXII, vi, 1, 3, 17, 118, 122, 127, 128, 166, 167, 173, 178, 225.
Sura XXIV, iv, xviii, 50, 131, 166, 167, 185, 194, 203, 204.
Sura XXV, 166, 167, 173, 175, 177.
Sura XXVI, xxxvii, xxxviii.
Sura XXIX, 166, 167, 170, 171 _f.n._, 172, 173, 179, 180.
Sura XXXI, 130, 166, 167, 173, 177.
Sura XXXII, xxxvii, xxxviii.
Sura XXXIII, 37, 89, 199, 216, 218, 219, 220, 222, 226.
Sura XXXV, 166, 167, 173, 181.
Sura XL, 167.
Sura XLI, xxxviii, 167.
Sura XLVI, xxxv, 167.
Sura XLVII, xxvii, 85, 141, 147, 154, 156, 160, 161, 166, 167, 174, 184, 195, 196, 197, 225, 226.
Sura XLVIII, xv, xvi, xl, 160, 225, 226.
Sura XLIX, 166, 167, 173, 175, 188.
Sura LII, 130.
Sura LVIII, 195.
Sura LIX, 110, 226.
Sura LX, 4, 110, 111, 112 _f.n._, 166, 225, 226.
Sura LXI, 166, 173, 175, 184, 186.
Sura LXVI, 166, 185, 211, 214.
Sura LXVII, xxxvii.
Sura LXXII, xxxvi, xxxvii, 186 _f.n._
Sura LXXIII, 130, 220.
Sura LXXXV, 50.
Sura LXXXVI, xxxvi.
Sura XC, 194.
Sura XCVI, 5.
Suras, Meccan, 177-181.
Suras, Medinite, 181-191.
Surat-al-Mohammad, 154.
Surat-un-Nisa, 154.
Syed Ameer Ali Moulvie, M.A., LLB., 91 _f.n._
Syria, viii, 30, 40, 89, 140, 200.
T.
Tabaeen, 209, 215-216.
Tabakát al Fokaha, 135-136.
Tabakát of Ibn Sád Kátib Wakidi, 114.
Tabari 30, 212.
Tabi, 135, 136.
Tabikha, The ancestors of Bani Tamim, xlvii.
Table, The (Sura), 191.
Tabuk, xix, 37 _f.n._; the last expedition of Mohammad against, 40.
Tafseer Majma-ul-Bayan Tabarásee, 116 _f.n._, 187.
Taghlib, lviii.
Taimee, Okba executed at, 80.
Tajahada, 164.
Tajeeb, lviii.
Takreeb, 210, 215.
Tamim (The), xxvii, xxxiv, xli, xlvi, lviii.
Tanfeel, 7, 196.
Tanvir-al Absár, 170.
Tariq (Comet or night comer), xxxvi.
Tay, xxxix, xliii, lviii.
Tayif, xxii; Mohammad preaches at, xxxiv; sacrilegious war at, xli.
Taym bin Morra, xxxiii.
Testament, The Old, 153.
Thakeef, lvii, 16.
Theseus, 145.
Tirmizee, 113, 207.
Tojahidoona, 166.
Tradition (a mursal), 109 _f.n._
Traditions quoted and refuted, 133.
Tried, The (Sura), 186.
Tuhfat-ul-Muhtaj fi Sharah-al-Minhaj, 129 _f.n._
Tuleiba, chief of Bani Asad bin Khozeima, xlvii.
U.
Urnee Robbers, 92-95.
Urquhart, 137.
Us Tayif, xxxvi.
Usseya, a clan of Bani Aamir, xlvi.
Uyeina, the chief of the Bani Fezara, xiii, xlvi.
V.
Vans Kennedy, Major, quoted, 28.
Von Kemer's History of Mohammad's Campaigns, 90 _f.n._, 102.
W.
Wady-al-Koraá, The Jews of, xiii, xliii.
Wahid, 83.
Wajib (Legal), Jihad not, 134.
Waki ibn al-Jarrah, 221.
Wakidi, 29 _f.n._, 30, 63, 64, 74, 78 _f.n._, 80 _f.n._, 31 _f.n._, 91; Campaigns of Mohammad, xliii, 102, 197, 200, 201, 205, 206, 208, 212, 221.
Wars of Mohammad, their defensive nature, ii.
Weil, Dr., 63.
Wheaton's International Law, 70 _f.n._
Wherry, The Revd. E.M., quoted, 150-152, 154 _f.n._
Wolff, 70 _f.n._
Woman, The (Sura), 184.
Y.
Yafa-ee, 210.
Yahya, 213.
Yahya bin Hammad, 210.
Yahya bin Moin, 221.
Yahya bin Saeed al Ansaree, 68.
Yakoob bin Mohammad, 208.
Yemama, li.
Yenbo, the abode of Bani Joheina, xliii.
Yemen, xxxix, li.
Yezid bin Abi Shaiba, 133.
Yojahido, 166, 179.
Yojahidoo, 166, 176, 190.
Yojahidoona, 166, 176, 191.
Yoseir bin Razim (Oseir bin Zarim), 72 _f.n._
Yoslemoon, 160.
Z.
Zád-al-maád of Ibn al Kyyim, 100 _f.n._
Zahabi, 215.
Zakawán, a clan of Bani Aamir, xlvi.
Zalkada, 14, 23 _f.n._, 53.
Zamaá, 34.
Zamra, iv.
Zamakhshire, 163, 213.
Zat-al-Rikaa, xii, 196.
Zat Atlah, 15 _f.n._
Zeid killed Moavia, 81.
Zeid, the adopted son of Mohammad, and his connection with Zeinab, 215, 216, 217, 218, 222.
Zeid bin Arqam, xxii.
Zeid bin Aslam, 215.
Zeid bin Haris, seized and plundered by the Bani Fezara, xiii.
Zeid Monat, xxxiv.
Zeinab, 113, 211; her story, 215-216; the story of Mohammad's amour, a spurious one, 216; Sir W. Muir's conjectures about her, not justified, 218; in her case no exceptional privilege was secured to Mohammad, 220; the false story traced to Mukátil, 222.
Zu Towa, the Koreish encamped at, xv.
Zil Kassa, a party of Moslems slain at, xiii.
Zobeid, lviii.
Zobeir, a Koreishite, 88, 96.
Zobian, xli, xlii, xlvi.
Zohak, 80.
Zohak ibn Muzahim, 215.
Zohra, xxxiii.
Zohri, 128, 209.
Zorkanee, 80 _f.n._; on Mooahib, 93, 100, 109 _f.n._, 110 _f.n._
Zu-kar, Battle of, xli.
Zulhij, 23 _f.n._, 53.
Zul-Kada, xiii, 23 _f.n._
Zul-Majáz xlviii.
_Calcutta; December, 1887._
THACKER, SPINK & CO.'S
LAW PUBLICATIONS.
_THIRD EDITION IN PREPARATION._
THE CODE OF CIVIL PROCEDURE,