xxi. 38), whom he persuaded to follow him to the Mount

of Olives, promising that the walls of Jerusalem would fall down at his command, and they would be enabled to seize Jerusalem, and assume the government. Felix, however, marched against him, and easily dispersed his force, slaying 4000, and taking 200 prisoners, but the adventurer himself escaped. See Jos. _B. J._ II. 13. 5; Milman’s _Hist. of the Jews_, II. 171.

1081 ‒ For a comparison of the Apostle’s words on this occasion with the account given in Acts ix., see above, pp. 384, 385, and notes.

1082 ‒ Compare the account above, pp. 390, 391.

1083 ‒ See above, p. 309, and the note.

1084 ‒ See above, p. 96. Only a narrow space of the Great Temple-court intervened between the steps of the tower Antonia and this hall. But the Sanhedrin may have met in a place less sacred, into which soldiers might be admitted. C. and H., II. 281.

1085 ‒ Compare with this assertion 2 Tim. i. 3.

1086 ‒ If this was a prophetic denunciation, it was terribly fulfilled when the hypocritical president of the Sanhedrin was murdered by the Sicarii during the Jewish war. See Jos. _B. J._ II. 17. 9.

1087 ‒ Comp. Mtt. xxiii. 27. He compares him to those walls, which composed of mud and other vile materials, made a fair show without, being plastered and whitewashed.

1088 ‒ See above, p. 115.

1089 ‒ The sentence is broken off. The words μὴ θεομαχῶμεν, Acts xxiii. 9, are wanting in the best MSS. See Neander’s _Planting_, I. 307, and note.

1090 ‒ See above, p. 380.

1091 ‒ Δεξιολάβους, E. V. _spearmen_, Vulg. _lancearios_. Whatever is the precise meaning of this singular word, it distinguishes here _legionary soldiers_ from _cavalry_, and probably means _light-armed troops_. The word implies the use of some weapon simply carried in the right hand.

1092 ‒ Ἀπὸ τρίτης ὥρας τῆς νυκτός, Acts xxiii. 23.

1093 ‒ With a view to greater expedition Lysias ordered that more than one horse should be provided for the Apostle: comp. Acts xxiii. 24, κτήνη τε παραστῆσαι.

1094 ‒ For the building of Antipatris, see above, p. 99, and note.

1095 ‒ Lysias had probably sent so large and so mixed a force in view of a possible ambuscade. This was no longer to be feared after leaving Antipatris, but the legionaries might be needed in the fortress of Antonia.

1096 ‒ C. and H., II. 290; Robinson, _Bib. Res._ III. 46, 60.

1097 ‒ As mentioned above, p. 409, n., on the death of Herod Agrippa I., A.D. 44, Cuspius Fadus was appointed procurator of Judæa. He was succeeded in A.D. 48 by Tiberius Alexander, who in his turn, in A.D. 48, made way for Ventidius Cumanus. During his sway a frightful tumult happened at the Passover, caused by the presence of the Roman soldiers in the Antonia, and resulting in the deaths of more than 10,000 persons (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 5. 3; _B. J._ II. 12. 1). Cumanus was recalled in A.D. 52, and succeeded by Felix, a freedman of the Emperor Claudius. From Tacitus (_Ann._ XII. 54) he would seem to have been joint procurator with Cumanus. He was the brother of the Emperor’s powerful friend Pallas, and is described by Tacitus as ruling his province with meanness, cruelty, and profligacy, _per omnem sævitiam et libidinem jus regium servili ingenio_ exercuit. _Hist._ V. 9: comp. _Ann._ XII. 54, and see Merivale, VII. 195.

1098 ‒ Compare Pilate’s conduct in reference to the Saviour, above, p. 301.

1099 ‒ The word _prætorium_ properly denotes the residence of the Roman provincial governors, at which they administered justice. Here it seems to denote some palace built by Herod and now appropriated to public uses. As in our old castles, there were prison-chambers in all such buildings. Kitto’s _Bib. Illustrations_.

1100 ‒ The name is Roman. He was probably an Italian, and pleaded in Latin. “The accuser and the accused could plead in person, as St Paul did here, but _advocati_ (ῥήτορες) were often employed.” C. and H., II. 302.

1101 ‒ On this, see above, p. 303, n.

1102 ‒ Felix during his period of office put down several false Messiahs (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 8; _B. J._ II. 13. 4), the followers of the Egyptian pretender (above, p. 486, and n.), riots between the Jews and Syrians in Cæsarea (_Ant._ XX. 8. 7; _B. J._ II. 13. 7), and cleared various parts of the country of robbers (_B. J._ II. 13. 2), see Merivale, VII. 195.

1103 ‒ On the severity of the laws against treason, see above, p. 307, n.

1104 ‒ Acts x. See above, p. 399, and p. 482.

1105 ‒ Διαγνώσομαι, Acts xxiv. 22.

1106 ‒ There were three kinds of custody recognised by the Roman law: (1) _custodia publica_, or confinement in a public gaol, as at Philippi, see above, p. 443, and n.: this was the worst kind; (2) _custodia libera_, or free custody, usual only in the cases of men of rank who were committed to the charge of some magistrate or senator, who made himself responsible for their appearance on the day of trial; (3) _custodia militaris_: in this species of custody, introduced at the commencement of the Empire, the prisoner’s right hand was chained to the left hand of a soldier, who was responsible with his life for his safe detention, and kept him either in barracks or a private house. C. and H., II. 308.

1107 ‒ This perhaps included Philip the Evangelist resident there with his family; perhaps Cornelius the centurion; and almost certainly Luke and Aristarchus.

1108 ‒ Her brother was Agrippa, the present king of Trachonitis. On the part Simon Magus is said to have played in persuading her to leave her husband, see above, p. 376 n. She was at this time in the 18th year of her age.

1109 ‒ Acts xxiv. 17. See Birks’ _Horæ Apostolicæ_, p. 344.

1110 ‒ Such practices were not unusual with some procurators. See the instance of Albinus mentioned in Jos. _Ant._ XX. 9. 2. The Julian Law strictly forbade taking a bribe from a prisoner.

1111 ‒ C. and H., II. 308.

1112 ‒ See Milman’s _History of the Jews_, Vol. II. p. 173.

1113 ‒ At this time the high priest was Ishmael the son of Fabi, Jos. _Ant._ XX. 8. 8. He had been appointed by Agrippa II., to whom the Emperor had entrusted all the ecclesiastical arrangements in the Holy City. Milman, _Hist. Jews_, II. 172.

1114 ‒ Under the Republic a Roman citizen could appeal to the tribunes. The power of the latter being absorbed by the Emperors, all appeals were transferred to them, and at this time the Imperial tribunal “was a supreme court of appeal from all inferior courts either in Rome or in the provinces.” See Art. _Appellatio_ in Smith’s _Dict. Antiq._

1115 ‒ Herod Agrippa II. was the son of Agrippa I. and Cypros, a grand-niece of Herod the Great. After he had been educated at Rome, Claudius, about A.D. 49, appointed him king of Chalcis (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 5. 2; _B. J._ II. 12. 1), and afterwards, A.D. 53, promoted him to the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 7. 1; _B. J._ II. 12. 8), with the title of _king_ (Acts xxv. 13). In A.D. 55 Nero added several cities to his dominions, and he displayed the lavish magnificence of his family. During the Jewish war he sided with the Romans, and at its conclusion retired to Rome, where he died in the third year of the reign of Trajan, A.D. 100. See Lewin’s _Fasti Sacri_; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

1116 ‒ She was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I. Her first husband was her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, on whose death she lived with her own brother Agrippa II. (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 7. 3). Afterwards she married Polemon, king of Cilicia, and ultimately became the mistress of Vespasian and of Titus. See Tac. _Hist._ II. 81.

1117 ‒ See Blunt’s _Scriptural Coincidences_, pp. 358–360.

1118 ‒ Τῷ κυρίῳ, Acts ♦xxv. 26. Note the title. Augustus and Tiberius had declined it, but their successors had sanctioned its use. See Sueton. _Aug._ LIII.; _Tiber_, XXVII.

1119 ‒ Τὰ πολλὰ γράμματα, Acts xxvi. 24. The Apostle had alluded to “writings” (vv. 22, 23), “and it is reasonable to suppose that in his imprisonment such _books and parchments_ as he wrote for in 2 Tim. iv. 13 were brought to him by his friends.” C. and H., II. 318, n.

1120 ‒ Ἐν ὀλίγῳ με πείθεις, Acts xxvi. 28. Our version _almost_ cannot stand. The expression might mean, (1) _in a little space_, or (2) _in few words_, or (3) _in a small measure_. Perhaps _lightly_ = “with few words, little pain, as though it were a light thing to take up with so despised a sect,” as suggested by Dean Alford _in loc._, best suits the text: see also C. and H., II. 319, n.; Neander’s _Planting_, I., 310, n.

1121 ‒ The better reading here is ἐν μεγάλῳ.

1122 ‒ “From the distance accomplished, 67 geographical miles, we must infer that they had a fair, or at least a leading wind, probably westerly, which is the wind that prevails in this part of the Mediterranean.” Smith’s _Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul_, p. 22.

1123 ‒ See above, p. 481.

1124 ‒ “In pursuing this route they acted precisely as the most accomplished seaman in the present day would have done under similar circumstances; by standing to the north till they reached the coast of Cilicia, they might expect when they did so to be favoured by the land-breeze, which prevails here during the summer-months, as well as by the current, which constantly runs to the westward, along the south coast of Asia Minor.” Smith, p. 28.

1125 ‒ A distance of 130 geographical miles, which with a fair wind might have been accomplished in one day. Ibid. p. 34.

1126 ‒ Still retaining the same name. The site of Lasæa, also retaining its old name, was discovered Jan. 18, 1856, about two hours to the eastward of “Fair Havens.” Smith’s _Voyage. &c._ Ed. 1861; C. and H., II. 341, n.

1127 ‒ Levit. xvi. 29; xxiii. 27, celebrated on the 10th of Tisri, corresponding to the close of September or beginning of October. See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 155. This was exactly the time when seafaring is pronounced most dangerous by Greek and Roman writers.

1128 ‒ It was a good harbour in _some_ seasons, but, being an open roadstead, or rather two open roadsteads, was not commodious to winter in. Smith, p. 45.

1129 ‒ Literally πλέποντα κατὰ Λίβα καὶ κατὰ χῶρον = _looking toward the S. W. wind, and the N. W. wind_. The harbour was probably the modern _Lutro_, sheltered from the above-mentioned winds, and looking _from the water towards the land which encloses it_ in the direction of these winds. C. and H., II. pp. 343, 344, and notes.

1130 ‒ C. and H., II. 345, and notes.

1131 ‒ Rather perhaps Εὐρακύλων = the Latin Euro-Aquilo, an E. N. E. wind.

1132 ‒ Κατ᾽ αὐτῆς scil. Κρήτης. Comp. Mtt. viii. 32, κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ, and see above, p. 196 and note.

1133 ‒ Βοηθείαις ἐχρῶντο, ὑποζωννύντες τὸ πλοῖον (Acts xxvii. 17) = _they proceeded to use stays or braces undergirding the vessel_. This was lest she should leak and founder. For instances of this procedure, see C. and H., II. 348, n.; Smith’s _Voyage and Shipwreck_, p. 106.

1134 ‒ A notoriously dangerous bay between Tunis and the Eastern part of Tripoli.

1135 ‒ Meaning then not merely that portion of the Mediterranean, to which it is now applied, but all that which lay between Sicily and Malta on the west, and Greece and Crete on the east. See Smith’s _Voyage and Shipwreck_.

1136 ‒ “They can now adopt the last resource for a sinking ship, and run her ashore; but to do it before it was day would have been to have rushed on certain destruction: they must bring the ship, if it be possible, to anchor, and hold on till daybreak.” Smith’s _Shipwreck_, p. 88. For similar instances of anchoring by the stern, see C. and H., II. 357.

1137 ‒ C. and H., II. 362.

1138 ‒ Ἀνέντες τὰς ζευκτηρίας τῶν πηδαλίων (Acts ♦xxvii. 40) = unloosing the lashings of the paddle rudders, which had doubtless been hoisted up and lashed fast when they anchored. C. and H., II. 362, n.

1139 ‒ See Smith’s _Shipwreck, &c._, p. 153.

1140 ‒ For a summary of the arguments for Malta, and not Melita in the gulf of Venice, as the scene of St Paul’s shipwreck, see Smith’s _Voyage and Shipwreck_, and Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

1141 ‒ Compare the conduct of the Lystrians, above, p. 420.

1142 ‒ The chief officer of Malta under the governor of Sicily was called πρῶτος Μελιταίων, or _Primus Melitensium_, the very title used by St Luke.

1143 ‒ Formerly called _Dicæarchia_, then from its strong mineral springs (_a puteis_ or _putendo_) Puteoli, close to Baiæ, and now called _Pozzuoli_. It was the great landing-place for all travellers to Italy from the Levant.

1144 ‒ “All ships, on rounding into the bay, were obliged to strike their topsails, with the exception of the Alexandrian corn-vessels, which were thus easily recognised, as soon as they hove in sight.” See the quotation from Seneca in C. and H., II. 371. Puteoli from its trade with Alexandria and the East would naturally contain a colony of Jews.

1145 ‒ C. and H., II. pp. 376–379. “The foundation of the Via Appia, which was 13 or 14 ft. broad, was of concrete or cemented rubble-work, and the surface was laid with large polygonal blocks of the hardest stone, and so nicely fitted to each other that the whole seemed the work rather of nature than of art. The distances were marked by milestones, and at intervals of 20 miles were post-stations, where vehicles, horses, and mules were provided for the convenience of travellers and the transmission of government dispatches.” Kitto’s _Bibl. Illust._ VIII. 501.

1146 ‒ Comp. Hor. _Sat._ I. v. 3, 4:

Inde Forum Appî Differtum nautis cauponibus atque malignis.

On Anxur or Terracina, see the same Satire, line 26: a few miles beyond it was the fountain of Feronia (Hor. _Sat._ I. v. 24), “the termination of the canal which Augustus had formed to drain the Pomptine marshes, and which continued for 20 miles along the side of the road. Over this distance travellers had their choice, whether to proceed in barges dragged by mules, or on the pavement of the way itself.” C. and H., II. 379.

1147 ‒ Τῷ στρατοπεδάρχῃ; Burro, præfecto prætorio, Bp Pearson. Tac. _Ann._ XII. 43; Merivale, VI. 189.

1148 ‒ On the _custodia militaris_ see above, p. 496, n.

1149 ‒ The ignorance of the influential Jews concerning the Christian Church which existed in the same city as themselves, “is not inconceivable, if we only consider the immense size of the metropolis, and the vast confluence of human beings it contained, and if to this we add that the main body of the Roman Church consisted of Gentiles, and that these wealthy Jews busied themselves far more about other objects than about the concerns of religion.” Neander’s _Planting_, I. 311. “With regard to Paul himself, it might well be true that they had little information concerning him. Though he had been imprisoned long at Cæsarea, his appeal had only been made a short time before winter. After that time (to use the popular expression) _the sea was shut_; and the winter had been a stormy one; so that it was natural enough that his case should be first made known to the Jews by himself.” C. and H., II. 392.

1150 ‒ See Mtt. xiii. 15; Jn. xii. 40.

1151 ‒ C. and H., II. 395.

1152 ‒ On the three separate heads of the indictment against the Apostle, see above, p. 494.

1153 ‒ See Acts xx. 4; and above, p. 471.

1154 ‒ See above, p. 414, and the note.

1155 ‒ Though the name is probably an abbreviation of Epaphroditus, it seems doubtful whether he is to be identified with the Epaphroditus of Philip. ii. 25.

1156 ‒ Whether he had also robbed his master or not appears somewhat uncertain, and depends on the meaning of the word ἠδίκησε in Philem. 18.

1157 ‒ It is evident from Philem. 19 that he had been converted by the Apostle himself, possibly (i) during his journey through Phrygia (Acts xvi. 6); possibly (ii) during his long stay at Ephesus (Acts xix. 10), when it is recorded that _all they who dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord Jesus_.

1158 ‒ Paley in his _Horæ Paulinæ_ notices that St Paul bids Philemon prepare a lodging for him in expectation of his speedy deliverance, which agrees with Phil. ii. 24. The letter itself is often referred to as a model of delicacy and tact.

1159 ‒ Or _Colassæ_ according to the reading of the best MSS., a city on the Lycus close to Hierapolis and Laodicea. Ethnologically it belonged to Phrygia, but politically was included in the province of Asia.

1160 ‒ See Alford’s _Prolegom._ to the Greek Test., III. 35.

1161 ‒ The doubt about the persons for whom this Epistle was intended arises (i) from the omission of the words ἐν Ἐφέσῳ from the opening verse in the Sinai and Vatican MSS.; (ii) from the fact that, though St Paul spent nearly three years at Ephesus, it does not contain a single personal greeting; (iii) from the apparent intimation in Eph. i. 15 that he knew only by report of the conversion of those he was addressing, and in iii. 2 that they knew only of his Apostleship by hearsay. Hence some (see C. and H., II. 417–420) consider it was addressed to the Church of Laodicea. On the other hand, the testimony of all the versions and “the universal designation of this Epistle by the ancient Church (except in the case of Marcion) as that to the Ephesians, warrants the retention of the words, and the explanation of the peculiarities in Eph. i. 15 and iii. 2, above alluded to, may probably be explained on the supposition mentioned in the text that it was also intended for other Churches dependent on Ephesus in proconsular Asia.” See Alford’s _Prolegom. in Ep._, and Ellicott’s _Commentary on the Ephesians_.

1162 ‒ The various pieces of the Christian armour here alluded to receive vivid illustration from the circumstances of the Apostle at this time, and the fact that he was chained to a Roman soldier.

1163 ‒ By some this has been identified with the palace of Cæsar on the Palatine Hill (comp. Phil. i. 13 with iv. 22). But though the word _Prætorium_ is applied in the N. T. to the residence of Pilate at Jerusalem (see above, p. 298), and of Herod at Cæsarea (see above, p. 493 n.), it is never applied to the Imperial Palace at Rome. It rather seems to denote the quarters of the Imperial guards, who were in immediate attendance on the Emperor, who was _prætor_ or commander-in-chief of the troops, and whose immediate body-guard would naturally be in a _prætorium_ near at hand. See C. and H., II. pp. 438, 439.

1164 ‒ See Tac. _Ann._ XIV. 51. At his death the influence of Seneca was broken, and under the guidance of Tigellinus, Nero’s public life rivalled the infamy of his private character. On Fenius Rufus, see Tac. _Ann._ XV. 66, 68; Merivale’s _Romans under the Empire_, VI. p. 333.

1165 ‒ See Josephus, _Ant._ XX. 8. 11; Tac. _Ann._ XV. 23.

1166 ‒ See C. and H., II. 457–459; Merivale’s _Romans under the Empire_, Vol. VI. pp. 343, 344.

1167 ‒ See the quotations from Clement of Rome, Muratori’s Canon, Eusebius, _H. E._ II. 22, Chrysostom, and Jerome, in C. and H., II. 462, 463; Alford’s Gk. Test. III. _Prolegom._ pp. 92, 93.

1168 ‒ Philem. 22; Phil. ii. 24. It was probably about this time, if he was its author, that St Paul wrote the _Epistle to the Hebrews_. For a synopsis of the various opinions respecting its authorship see Alford’s _Prolegom._ Vol. IV. Pt. 1, Westcott’s _Bible in the Church_.

1169 ‒ See Alford’s _Prolegomena_ to the Pastoral Epp. Vol. III. p. 93.

1170 ‒ See C. and H., II. 471. Clement of Rome (_1 Ep. ad Cor._ c. v.), declares that he went ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως, which some would extend not only to Spain but even to Britain. Dean Alford expresses an opinion that if not spent in Spain, the interval between A.D. 64 and 66 “may have been spent in Greece and Asia and the interjacent islands:” _Prolegom._ p. 94.

1171 ‒ C. and H., II. 487; and see the Articles _Crete_ and _Titus_ in Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ Jews are mentioned as dispersed in Crete in 1 Macc. xv. 23 (see above p. 54), and in Acts ii. 11 (see above, p. 345, and n.). See also Alford’s Gk. Test., Vol. III. _Prolegom._ p. 108. On the quotation respecting the Cretans, see above, p. 382, n.

1172 ‒ Most probably the Nicopolis in Macedonia, on a peninsula west of the bay of Actium, erected by Augustus in memory of the battle of Actium, and on the ground which his army occupied before the engagement.

1173 ‒ See above, p. 472.

1174 ‒ It was conveniently situated for apostolic journeys in the Eastern parts of Achaia and Macedonia, and also to the north where churches perhaps were founded. On St Paul’s previous preaching on the confines of Illyricum, see p. 474, and n.; and Birks’ _Horæ Apostolicæ_, pp. 296–304.

1175 ‒ C. and H., II. p. 494.

1176 ‒ Tac. _Ann._ XV. 44. See Merivale, VI. 351.

1177 ‒ C. and H., II. 499.

1178 ‒ C. and H., II. 514; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Timothy_.

1179 ‒ See Lightfoot on _St Paul and the Three_ in his _Commentary on the Galatians_, p. 276.

1180 ‒ See above, pp. 425, 426.

1181 ‒ It could not have been written by James, the son of Zebedee, for he was beheaded A.D. 44 by Herod Agrippa, and the notes of time in the Epistle itself point to a later date.

1182 ‒ See above, p. 431.

1183 ‒ See above, p. 7.

1184 ‒ See Alford’s _Prolegomena_, Greek Test. Vol. IV. Part I.

1185 ‒ See above, p. 431.

1186 ‒ See above, p. 425.

1187 ‒ See above, p. 187.

Transcriber’s Notes.

The following corrections have been made in the text:

Page 21: Sentence starting: But even his own partisans.... – ‘partizans’ replaced with ‘partisans’ (But even his own partisans)

Page 47: Sentence starting: Great as was the risk.... – ‘Sanhedrim’ replaced with ‘Sanhedrin’ (elders of the Sanhedrin)

Page 101: Sentence starting: Salome announced these signs.... – ‘dissaffection’ replaced with ‘disaffection’ (these signs of disaffection)

Page 153: Sentence starting: THE PREACHING OF JOHN.... – ‘A.C.’ replaced with ‘A.D.’ (A.U.C. 780, A.D. 27.)

Page 175: Sentence starting: Accordingly the Saviour.... – ‘chazan’ replaced with ‘chazzan’ (returned it to the _chazzan_ or minister)

Page 187: Sentence starting: John, his brother, afterwards known.... – ‘disciples’ replaced with ‘disciple’ (“disciple whom Jesus loved”) Sentence starting: Simon the _Canaanite_.... – ‘Cananite’ replaced with ‘Canaanite’ (Simon the _Canaanite_)

Page 264: Sentence starting: Being a hungred, probably.... – ‘of’ replaced with ‘off’ (and perceiving _afar off_) – ‘Mtt’ replaced with ‘Mk.’ (Mk. xi. 13)

Page 369: Sentence starting: In Midian He revealed Himself.... – ‘dependance’ replaced with ‘dependence’ (the whole stress of their dependence)

Page 422: Sentence starting: Thence they proceeded to.... – ‘Attalia’ replaced with ‘Attaleia’ (to the sea-port of Attaleia)

Page 508: Sentence starting: Another proof of the.... – ‘ascendency’ replaced with ‘ascendancy’ (proof of the ascendancy)

Index Chiun: – ‘Chian’ replaced with ‘Chiun’ (Chiun, the idol of the Israelites,)

Index Jericho: – ‘Zaccheus’ replaced with ‘Zacchæus’ (Christ entertained there by Zacchæus)

Index Jesus: – ‘Jerulem’ replaced with ‘Jerusalem’ (His triumphal entry into Jerusalem)

Index Joazar: – ‘Joazer’ replaced with ‘Joazar’ (Joazar, High-priest)

Index Malichus: – ‘Malachus’ replaced with ‘Malichus’ (Malichus, adherent of Hyrcanus)

Index Peter: – ‘Passver’ replaced with ‘Passover’ (sent to prepare the Passover)

Index Temple: – ‘merchandize’ replaced with ‘merchandise’ (its profanation by merchandise)

Footnote 225: – ‘Aristobolus’ replaced with ‘Aristobulus’ (Aristobulus re-conquered their colony)

Footnote 454: – The Author’s word ‘στοιβάδες’ has been retained although other authorities use other forms of the word.

Footnote 468: – ‘Marc.’ replaced with ‘Mark’ (Lightfoot on Mark xii. 28.)

Footnote 527: – ‘xxxvii’ replaced with ‘xxvii’ (See Lange on Mtt. xxvii. 5,)

Footnote 917: – ‘λοοῦ’ replaced with ‘λαοῦ’ (τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ δικαιοσύνη)

Footnote 1019: – ‘Aquilla’ replaced with ‘Aquila’ (have been done by Aquila)

Footnote 1118: – ‘xv’ replaced with ‘xxv’ (Acts xxv. 26.)

Footnote 1138: – ‘xxxvii’ replaced with ‘xxvii’ (Acts xxvii. 40)