CHAPTER II

THE REGULATION OF THE INDUSTRY AND THE COMPANY OF STATIONERS

The middle of the sixteenth century marks a distinct change in English printing. Up to this time the industry in England had been neither organized, regulated, nor censored. It had been conducted under conditions of freedom almost identical with those which exist to-day, a state of things entirely anomalous in that period. The quality of English printing in this period was generally very poor. In spite, however, of the poor workmanship, there lingers something of the old craftsman spirit. Although the books show glaring imperfections, they also show a certain dignity and harmony which is reminiscent of the spirit of the old craftsmen. In detail, however, the work was poor both in composition and presswork. It showed an almost entire lack of originality. Types, wood-cuts, initials, ornaments, and even the printer’s devices were not only bought from the continent of Europe but bought second-hand and used long after signs of wear had become painfully evident. Wood-cuts especially were not only over-used but misused. They were not infrequently inserted with absolute disregard of the text. The printers not only stuck in pictures which had no bearing whatever upon the subject matter, but they used the same picture more than once in the same book.

The reason for this is to be found in the fact that the proprietors of the large shops were intent on profit and the proprietors of the small shops had no capital. The experience of Wynkyn de Worde had shown that the way to make money was by printing popular books which could be sold cheap, and his successors learned the lesson only too rapidly. There was no effective demand for good printing. The smaller printers had to buy such materials as they could afford and compete as best they could.

From about 1525, which will be recalled as the date of the publication of Froissart’s “Chronicle,” there was a change in the demand for books. The revival of learning was beginning to make itself felt in England. The influence of Erasmus on the intellectual life of the age was very great. This influence was especially felt in England because Erasmus had himself spent considerable time there and was a friend of John Colet, Dean of St. Paul’s, who was not only an influential clergyman but a very great scholar. England was also beginning to feel the stirrings of philosophical and religious discussion. There was a great demand for educational books to meet the needs of the scholars and there began to be a great output of controversial literature. Wynkyn de Worde sometimes printed three or four editions of the same Latin grammar in one year, so great was the demand for educational books.

Up to the middle of the century, however, very little original work was printed in England, or at any rate is now extant. The popular demand was for reprints of old books and for translations of French poems and romances. The classics and other works of more serious literature were commonly imported. There was also a considerable amount of printing for the English trade done on the continent. Not content with furnishing the English with books in Greek and Latin and the modern languages, some of the continental printers did a flourishing trade in the printing of books in English. Their work was generally better and cheaper than that of the English printers.

As has already been said, English printing was left very much alone up to 1557 excepting that privileges were granted by the crown rather freely. Beginning with the privileges to print statutes and law books, the practice spread until by the middle of the sixteenth century practically all profitable printing was covered by privilege.

During this period, and indeed for several centuries later, the industry was free from labor troubles. The reason, however, is to be found in the peculiar situation which existed under English law. Under English common law all combinations of workmen were considered as contrary to public policy, regarded as combinations in restraint of trade, and dealt with very harshly. A single workman might work or refuse to work for whatever pay or under whatever conditions he pleased, but an agreement of two or more on this basis, that is to combine for pay, hours, and the like, was a criminal conspiracy. Not only were any agreements such a group of men might make absolutely void, but the very fact of entering such a combination was itself a criminal offence. From the reign of Edward I (1272–1307) to George IV (1820–1830) thirty or forty acts of Parliament, commonly called “Statutes of Laborers,” were passed on this basis. The reënactment of legislation on this subject from time to time was not caused, as is usual in such cases, by the ineffectiveness of the legislation but by the necessity of meeting special conditions which were created by visitations of the plague, wars, and other events having far-reaching industrial effects.

The development of the factory system of production, beginning about the middle of the eighteenth century, with the consequent gathering of great groups of workmen in certain localities and the rapid increase in the town population, rendered a continuance of the old regulations more and more difficult. The laws against combinations of workmen were evaded by the organization of secret societies, while the displacement of large numbers of hand workers by the introduction of machinery caused serious labor troubles and rioting. Other conditions too familiar to need description arose which caused friction between the workmen and their employers. Attempts were made at first to put a stop to the combinations of the workmen by more and more stringent legislation. This proving unsuccessful, the legislation was modified in the direction of leniency. Gradually the unions won their way to recognition, although this recognition was developed in the slow and inconsistent way which is common with English legislation.

In 1875 the whole matter was put on a new basis by the legal acceptance of the principle that it is lawful for any combination of men to do any act which it would be lawful for either of them to do singly. This, of course, was a reversal of the fundamental principle of more than six hundred years of labor legislation, that it was not lawful for a combination of men to do things which any one of them might lawfully do. Since that time the unions have rapidly won their way to full recognition and to great importance in the industry. In England to-day practically all trades are very thoroughly unionized. The printing industry is no exception. Union membership is much more universal among the workmen in the industry than it is in the United States. This development of organization among the workmen has been accompanied by a development of strong organizations of employers in all industries. To-day practically all industrial bargaining in England is collective bargaining carried on between associated employers and associated employees.

The same difficulties arising out of lack of regulation which had vexed the industry on the continent had made themselves felt in England, but with their usual good sense the English attacked the problem at a very early period. Nearly sixty years before the organization of the Community of Printers in France, in 1618, the English had put printing in line with the other industries by the organization of the Stationers’ Company in 1557, the last year of Queen Mary I.

The organization of the Stationers was by no means an innovation. It was rather the legalizing and regularizing of a condition which had risen under the familiar conditions of English industry. As early as 1403 we find the guild or fraternity of scriveners. This guild or fraternity developed into the “Craft” of stationers, influential in fixing and controlling trade customs. The growth of the craft or trade guilds in England was not unlike that of similar organizations in Europe. Their control of the situation, however, seems to have been even more close than elsewhere. An ordinance of Edward II (1307–1327) compelled every citizen of a town to be a member of some craft or mystery.

In 1375 the election of the city officials of London was turned over to the craft guilds or, as they were termed, liveried companies. The liveried companies were so called because each had a distinctive dress which was worn on formal occasions. From this time on the liveried companies controlled the political and municipal power of London for several centuries, electing the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, controlling the train-bands, or city militia, and to a great extent holding the defence of the kingdom in their hands. About seventy-six of these companies still continue to exist. They survive mainly for charitable and philanthropic purposes, conserving and administering the large funds which were accumulated in early centuries.

The Stationers’ Company was organized in 1557 partly because the printers saw the necessity for organization and regulation of the industry, and partly because the crown desired a better means for controlling printing than had theretofore existed. It will be remembered that this was in the midst of the age of religious controversy. King Henry VIII had attempted to set himself up as the head of a national church which was not Protestant and at the same time did not acknowledge allegiance to the Pope. King Henry executed with great impartiality both those who defended the ecclesiastical supremacy of the Pope and those who professed Protestant opinions. His successor, King Edward VI, was a Protestant and attempted to make England Protestant. His short reign was followed by that of Mary I, who was a Catholic and attempted to make England Catholic. Her comparatively short reign was followed by the long reign of Elizabeth, in whose time Protestantism became the established state church of England. It will be remembered that it was near the close of Mary’s reign that the Stationers’ Company was chartered, and the interest of the crown in securing a better control of the printing press and its output is obvious. In 1560, the second year of Elizabeth, the incorporation of the Stationers’ Company was rendered complete by the enrolment of the new company in the list of the liveried companies of London, and we shall presently see that the royal hand was laid heavily upon the printers and their work.

The Stationers’ Company was organized in the usual form, with its administration in the hands of a Master and two Wardens. The terms of the charter gave the company authority to govern the trade and to enforce its regulations by the exercise of the right of visitation and disciplinary control over its members. This extended not only to the enforcement of the regulations of the Company but also to the enforcement of royal proclamations and injunctions, and decrees of the Star Chamber.

The Star Chamber, frequently mentioned in English history in general, as well as in the history of English printing, was a special court of high officials. The powers and jurisdiction of this court were somewhat vague and undefined. Theoretically it was intended to deal with matters which could not be adequately dealt with by the regular courts because of the necessity of immediate action, the important nature of the case, or other conditions which made the action of the ordinary courts too slow or not sufficiently effective. Naturally the existence of such a court opened the way to serious abuses, and alleged abuses of its authority played a very large part in the Revolution by which King Charles I lost his head. As a result of these revolutionary movements, the court was discontinued in 1641, after an existence of at least three hundred years. It is supposed to have derived its name from the fact that the ceiling of the room it sat in in early times was decorated with stars.

After the organization of the Stationers’ Company the exercise of the trade was limited to its members. The Company was required to keep registers giving the names of the Masters and Wardens, of all the members of the Company and their apprentices, and of all who “took up freedom,” that is to say, became members of the Company from time to time. All books printed were required to be registered with the Company and a copy deposited in the archives accompanied by a fee. This was the beginning of copyright. It was understood that the members of the Company should respect each others’ rights to publications thus registered, although it appears to have been a “gentleman’s agreement” rather than a regulation. This requirement did not apply to books which were published under royal privilege, but the members of the Company were bound to respect these privileges and not in any way infringe upon the rights which they conferred. The requirement of registration did not apply to the king’s printers in so far as their patent for the royal printing extended; that is to say, the royal printer was not required to register statutes, law books, or other government printing, but he was required to register all general publications. This legislation requiring registration was not always strictly enforced.

The powers of the Company were used much more for the regulation and control of printing than for the improvement of the art. It was to the Company that the government looked particularly for the enforcement of the statutes regarding printing. For that reason, if a book were of doubtful character and liable to be prohibited the publisher preferred to run the chance of attempting to evade the regulation regarding registration. Fortunately the registers of the Company containing the records of all their transactions are for the most part still in existence. They furnish an immense fund of valuable information extending over a very long period.

The Stationers’ Company included the printers, bookbinders, type-founders, and booksellers. It had ninety-seven charter members. A few of the London printers are known not to have joined the Company when it was organized. Why they stood out we do not know. Very likely it was simply the usual assertion of British independence and impatience of control. The requirement of membership in the Company as a requisite to carrying on the business was not enforced with regard to those printers who were in business when the Company was chartered, its application being restricted to those who might thereafter desire to enter the business. Some of the independents afterwards joined the Company. The remainder stayed out permanently.

The organization of the Company was not in itself sufficient to secure the desired control of the industry. As has already been pointed out, an immense flood of printed matter was being brought out on account of the bitter religious and political controversies of the time. Most of it was very poor printing. The end desired was to get it out as quickly as possible and as cheaply as possible. Much of it was objectionable to the government and the organization of the Company was immediately followed up by repressive legislation.

In 1558 Queen Elizabeth laid the foundation of legislation for the control of the press by issuing “injunctions” which required that every book should be licensed either by the Queen or by the members of the Privy Council, by the Archbishop of Canterbury, by the Chancellor of one of the two universities, or by other authorities specified in the act. Frequent proclamations and orders show that the injunctions were not obeyed. It may be laid down as a fundamental principle in the study of history that the frequent repetition of legislation on any one subject shows that the subject is considered very important by the government and that the legislation is not effective. So seriously was this matter regarded by the government that very extreme measures were adopted in dealing with offending printers. One William Carter, for instance, who had been several times punished for breach of the printing regulations, finally printed a seditious book, “a treatise of schisme,” for which he was tried for high treason, condemned to death and hanged, disembowelled, and quartered according to the ghastly custom of that time.

By way of further tightening of the regulations a Star Chamber decree was issued in 1586 much more strict than any preceding order. By the provisions of this decree all presses then working had to be reported in the same way as already provided. No presses whatever were allowed outside of London, excepting one each at Oxford and Cambridge. Previous to the charter of the Company provincial presses had been started at Oxford, York, Cambridge, Abingdon, Tavistock, St. Albans, Bristol, Ipswich, Canterbury, and Norwich, in the order named. These, of course, were all swept away by this act excepting those of Oxford and Cambridge. No more presses were to be permitted until the number in use had been reduced to a number which should be pronounced sufficient for the needs of the kingdom by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London. Vacancies in the number of licensed printers were to be filled by three stationers (members of the Company) who would be nominated by the Company and licensed by an ecclesiastical commission. The censorship, both ecclesiastical and lay, was developed and enforced by further provisions of the act.

These are the conditions under which that great literature which is known as Elizabethan literature was created and published. It seems incredible that such literature could have been produced under such conditions. The fact that it was so produced seems to show that the censors made a conscientious attempt to enforce the legislation in such a way as to prevent the actual abuse of the printing press and to protect the government from danger arising from these sources, while leaving pure literature as free as the conditions permitted. Of course, we of to-day regard any system of press censorship as wrong and cannot approve any such legislation. It is worth while, however, to remember that these men made an earnest effort to live up to the moral and political standards of their own time.

In the execution of this edict the Stationers’ Company made weekly official visits to every shop. These visitations were intended to ascertain:

1. How many presses each printer possessed.

2. What he printed.

3. How many impressions were taken of each piece of work.

4. How many workmen and apprentices there were in each plant.

5. Whether unauthorized persons were employed or allowed to remain about the plant.

The regulations of the edict and also the private regulations of the Company seem to have been enforced at this time with all the thoroughness in the power of the Company. The registers show that its officers frequently seized and destroyed editions of unlicensed books and in other ways enforced the edicts against all persons. Its own members were frequently disciplined. The registers show discipline for printing an unlicensed book, for selling a prayer book of Edward VI in place of one of Elizabeth, for infringing a copyright, for printing indecent or offensive matters, for selling books to other than book-shops, for selling books “disorderly printed,” for keeping open on Sundays and festival days, and for keeping unregistered apprentices. The phrase “disorderly printed” appears to refer to the careless and inaccurate printing of the books rather than to the nature of their contents. The printing standards of the time were not high, but this would appear to indicate a disposition to maintain them, such as they were. The punishment for selling to other than book shops is interesting as showing that at that early period the book trade suffered from one of the things which to-day causes much complaint among booksellers. Sales by department stores, drug stores, and other parties disposed to cut rates are regarded as serious difficulties in the book trade of to-day and it is evident that the same difficulty occurred three hundred and fifty years ago.

The difficulties of the printers were by no means limited to those created by the edicts or regulations. One of the great sources of difficulty lay in the privileges and monopolies which had been recklessly granted for a considerable period. These privileges had a most unfortunate effect upon the industry both on the side of business and on that of craftsmanship. On the side of business they gave to certain printers a monopoly of practically all of the work which was certain to produce good financial returns, leaving to the unprivileged printers the doubtful enterprise of producing current literature. On the side of craftsmanship they took away the spur of competition. The greater part of the literature of this period was produced by unprivileged printers, most of it with very little profit to them. On the other hand, the privileged printer, being secured in his monopoly of a certain kind of production, was not held to any artistic standards. Competition being impossible, he could print as cheaply and as badly as he chose and generally did so. In both directions the effect was paralyzing.

Naturally the unprivileged printers were constantly tempted to infringe upon the monopoly rights of the others, with the result that there was constant friction and appeals to authority were taken on both sides. The matter finally came to a head in a serious revolt of the unprivileged printers under the leadership of one John Wolfe. Wolfe was a member of the Fishmongers’ Company, but had undertaken to do printing and declared boldly that he proposed to lead a movement which would revolutionize the entire situation. The revolt was sufficiently serious to bring about a compromise by which a considerable number of privileges were given up entirely or turned over to the Company to be re-distributed by them among the printers. The extent to which these privileges were granted may be seen by the fact that John Day, of whom we shall hear more presently, alone gave up fifty-three privileges, although he kept several of the most important and profitable ones. Wolfe transferred his membership from the Fishmongers’ to the Stationers’ Company. As a member of the Stationers’ Company he obtained certain privileges for himself and it is interesting to note that not long afterward the registers of the Company show Wolfe appealing because somebody had infringed upon a privilege of his. Wolfe rose to become an officer of the Company and distinguished himself as a prosecutor of offending printers and a staunch upholder of law and order.

The natural result of the reduction of the number of offices under the edict of 1586 was that the trade was seriously overmanned and there were too many apprentices, as the reduction in the number of offices did not affect the number of either journeymen or apprentices. The Company dealt with the matter in a rather successful fashion by an order issued in 1587. This order limited the number of apprentices and attempted to make as much work as possible for the journeymen. It provided that no apprentice should be allowed to work in either the composing room or the press room if there were any competent journeymen in need of work. When we remember the small number of offices in London and the fact that there were only two in England outside of London, we can readily see that this order was not so difficult of enforcement as might appear. No form was to be kept standing to the injury of workmen. The meaning of this is clearer when we remember that all composition at this time was hand composition and that stereotyping and other methods of preserving forms were not known and consequently a reprint or re-issue was, excepting for absence of editorial work, a new job. If there was expectation that a new reprint might soon be required and the printer had the type to spare he might leave a form standing and so avoid the labor of recomposition. This regulation meant that as soon as the first impression was taken the type must be distributed so that in case of reprinting the compositor would have a new job. For like reasons the number of copies to be printed was limited in ordinary cases to 1250 or 1500, so that if the book proved to be popular work might be provided in setting up repeated editions. These regulations seem to have been reasonably successful so far as the journeymen were concerned, but, of course, they materially increased the price of books.

The period of apprenticeship was from seven to eleven years. It was intended that apprenticeship should end at 24, and the length of the apprenticeship depended upon the age at which it was begun. At the end of the apprenticeship the indenture required that the master should make the apprentice free of the Company “if he have well and truely served.” As the limit of membership of the Company was only about 25, for a long period only about one-half of the apprentices ever became masters; the rest of them remained permanently in the position of journeymen. As elsewhere in Europe, the apprentice might become heir to the business and the place in the Company by marrying either the daughter or the widow of a master printer. Apparently the business went to the widow rather than to the daughter if the widow survived. Widows even seem to have taken the business in preference to sons. Consequently the widow of a master printer was a very desirable match for an ambitious apprentice in spite of any difference in age, and several instances are recorded where a business changed hands twice by successive re-marriages of the widow.

There was a strong tendency, which we shall discuss more at length later, for the bookseller to get control of the situation. Copyrights generally belonged to the booksellers. They purchased them from the authors and held them as against the printers. It must be remembered that an author could not obtain a copyright, as copyright was secured by registration in the Stationers’ Company and this registration could be made only by a bookseller or a printer. Consequently the author was obliged to content himself with what the purchaser of his work was willing to give him. The bookseller naturally got his printing done as cheaply as he could and printers cut prices then just as they do now, and got poor as a result, just as they do now.